Jammu & Kashmir live updates: GOI remove all provisions of Article 370

I am sharing some of the speaker who has riduculed niazi, if you are ok with occasional anti india rant ,you should have a look
 
Tanks were taken across Zoji La pass in 1947-48 for battle in Ladakh

They were of great shock value at that time. Today with highly potent anti tank man portable weapons coupled with lack of space for tank maneuvers will greatly limit any tactical advantages a tank may offer.

Terrain does not suit rapid tank movements.
 
With Article 370, Ladakh was treated like Kashmir's colony: We were forced to use Urdu. Our welfare became a joke

With Ladakh finally declared a union territory, its people are ecstatic. We Ladakhis always felt closer to Delhi. Now we will get development and enjoy peace without someone else's hassles.

Sonam Wangchuk - @Wangchuk66

With Ladakh finally declared a union territory, its people are ecstatic. We Ladakhis always felt closer to Delhi. Now we will get development and enjoy peace without someone else's hassles.

Everybody in Ladakh is truly happy with the hilly area being declared as a union territory — it’s been 30 years of active demand and 10 years even before that, in other forms, but our people always wanted to be integrated with the centre rather than indirectly through Kashmir.

It’s finally the fulfillment of this dream — and people can’t believe that what they wanted has come true. They have struggled so much and several people have died for this demand.

There were so many things which kept the people of Ladakh away from Kashmir.

We are a remote region of a remote state that was a kingdom in itself for thousands of years — we simply became a tiny district for a state like Kashmir.

Our area had no say in how things were run.

Now it was four, earlier there were only two Assembly members from the Ladakh region in some 80 or so member-strong Jammu and Kashmir Assembly. There was no voice for us in what was done or how things were done. It was so far away too — there was a road which took two days to reach the state capital. And all decisions were taken from there, so you can understand the immense difficulties the ordinary people of Ladakh faced.

Life was made further difficult because Kashmir frequently being in turmoil meant Ladakh was unnecessarily paralysed, for reasons that did not affect it in any way. Anything which happened in Srinagar though meant Ladakh schools and offices would be closed, things didn’t move, and for no reason of ours.

Things were administered for the rest of the state — not for the people of Ladakh. This hill region is huge — larger than both Kashmir and Jammu combined together. But we were given no special attention despite that. Ladakh is a cold mountain desert, unlike Jammu and Kashmir, which are alpine and tropical. But there was absolutely no attention paid to how things should be done here.

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Spot the Ladakhis: No voice at all. (Photo: IANS)

The government would make buildings like they were made in Kashmir. Schools would have a language like Urdu — which no one spoke here. Even the courts and police perforce had to function in the Urdu language. But it’s a language which Ladakhis are just not familiar with. So, it was a like a tiny colony of a state — now all that will change.

Ladakh was treated like one of the 14 districts and not as a different zone which has its own history, culture and a climate which is very different. Things didn’t work because everything is so spread out here, hills are huge and extreme. Funds given to Ladakh were never enough. The policies were never relevant and development became a bitter joke. They drew up things for Ladakh in Kashmir which did not make any sense.

The type of development would come from officers who would arrive prepared for the Valley or for Jammu. They would come for a two-year tenure and they just didn't understand Ladakh. The first year would go in trying to understand the place and the second in preparing to leave it. So, it would be misplaced, half-hearted development.

Now, with Ladakh being declared as a UT, things will be designed specifically for the region and people. There are two hill towns in Ladakh, a hill council will be there in the UT and they will address issues that are local. I hope the funding will also improve. Things should be designed specially and tailor-made for Ladakh. I particularly hope the language to textbook content, theme and philosophy of education will be in harmony with the people of Ladakh.

People in Ladakh have always felt themselves very much a part of India. Now, it will be much easier.

New Delhi was always closer to Ladakh than Srinagar.

To reach Srinagar, there is a long and treacherous road and just two flights a week. It is a state capital which doesn’t even have daily flights. In contrast, between New Delhi and Ladakh, there are 12 flights a day.

You cannot imagine the meaning of this to a people who live very far away. But who want to be close.

(As Told To: Rohit E David)

With Article 370, Ladakh was treated like Kashmir's colony: We were forced to use Urdu. Our welfare became a joke
 
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Despite autonomy, massive central aid, successive govts in J&K kept the state poor

Data shows that despite J&K receiving 10 per cent of tax payers' money for one per cent of India's population in the last 70 years of autonomy, its economy has remained fragile, to say the least.

By Dipu Rai, New Delhi
August 6, 2019
UPDATED: August 6, 2019 23:39 IST
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The tourism sector counted as one of the prominent areas also witnessing a downtrend in J&K.

When Union Home minister Amit Shah, while proposing abrogation of Article 370 for Jammu and Kashmir in the Rajya Sabha on Monday, said that it impedes economic development and aids corruption in the state, it was not without reason.

Data shows that despite J&K receiving 10 per cent of tax payers' money for one per cent of India's population in the last 70 years of autonomy, its economy has remained fragile, to say the least. Terrorism and debt both flourished even after substantial financial assistance from the Centre.

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The finance commission, the apex agency which decides how funds are to be distributed among states, has always favoured J&K more than any other special category state. There are 10 states with special status in India.

In 1955, the third finance commission had insisted on applying uniform standards to all states, including J&K.

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However, during the five-year plan of 1957-58 to 1961-62, J&K received the highest per capita grant-in-aid of Rs 41.7, which was almost seven times the average of all the states that was only Rs 6.

The per capita central assistance for J&K was not only the highest but was more than double the average of the rest of the Indian states. J&K was then proposed to get Rs 117 per head of its population against an average of Rs 57 for the remaining states.

India's most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, which makes up about 13 per cent of the country's population, received only 8.2 per cent of central grants from 2000 to 2016. J&K, on the other hand, with only one per cent of India's population, reportedly received 10 per cent (Rs 1.14 lakh crore) of the total central funds in the same 16-year period.

Data, however, shows that successive state governments have failed to utilise the massive central funds for development and allegedly diverted them to other means.

Neighbouring Himachal Pradesh is similar to J&K in almost every aspect except militancy. Both have received almost similar special packages under Article 370, but Himachal Pradesh is much ahead compared to J&K in terms of economic growth.

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Around two-thirds of J&K's finances are met from central grants, which have not been utilised properly. The state has failed to use the money for rural employment, drinking water, healthcare and other social sectors. For instance, from 2007 to 2011, the state could utilise only 62 per cent of central grants for MGNREGA.

In 2010, the special interlocutor deputed to J&K observed in his report, "The central plan assistance is stepped up at the rate of 10 per cent per year which is inadequate to neutralise the rise in prices. At the same time, the plan outlay has not been fully utilised in any of the years examined by us. This may be construed to mean that investments in real terms or at constant prices have not appreciably increased."

Similarly, under the Prime Minister's reconstruction plan for J&K, over Rs 32,000 crore have been approved since 2004, but till 2011, only about one-third of the amount was utilised.

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Despite directions from the finance commission to release all assistance, including centrally-sponsored schemes, to the J&K government and not to implementing agencies, the Centre continued to release funds to the implementing agencies directly.

Significant direct transfers made during 2016-17 were under Swadesh Darshan Scheme for integrated development of theme-based tourist circuits (Rs 118.63 crore) and central assistance for Pakal Dul HEP Chenab Valley (Rs 200 crore).

J&K is not able to generate enough money, either tax or non-tax, to run its government. About one-third of the revenue comes from the central government as 'grant in aid'.

The average loan and deposit ratio for the state has also declined, which shows that the investment environment is not promising for trade and industry.

Speaking about economic backwardness in J&K, Amit Shah had said, "Article 370 impedes people from outside the state to do business there. Absence of economic competition has prevented development, and corruption flourished. Land prices are at rock bottom because no one can buy land there. No industry, including tourism, is allowed to grow there. People remain poor in perpetuity despite presence of abundant economic opportunities for the local populace. Rampant corruption is present, thus preventing external investment in the state."

The tourism sector counted as one of the prominent areas also witnessing a downtrend in J&K. According to the state economic survey 2017, tourism accounts for around 6.98 per cent of the state's GDP. J&K is not among the top 10 domestic destinations in the country based on the number of tourist arrivals.

Since 1989, multiple terror outfits in J&K launched massive violence for an independent Kashmir or for unification with Pakistan. The unrest period concealed the process of utilisation of funds provided by the Centre.

The per capita gross income of J&K grew from Rs 8,644 in 2000-01 to Rs 9,553 in 2004-05. The all-India figures were Rs 18,113 and Rs 21,806. Thus the gap between J&K and all-India widened.

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J&K's claim for special treatment in matter of central assistance has till now been conceded by the Centre - perhaps more for political than economic reasons.

Now that the special Constitutional status for J&K has been revoked and the state split into two Union territories of J&K and Ladakh, it will hopefully open doors for investments like other Indian states.


Despite autonomy, massive central aid, successive govts in J&K kept the state poor

You know, my state struggles due to lack of funds like many other states. Look at them, flush with cash from centre and screaming oppression. Somebody please tell Delhi to oppress us, maybe it will help our finances.
 
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