AUKUS : US, UK and Australia forge military alliance to counter China

AUKUS: US now considering not handing over submarines to Australia


The United States has delivered yet another blow to the first pillar of AUKUS , the trinational defense and security cooperation treaty between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. What had previously only been floated by the U.S. executive branch is now becoming a reality through Congress : Australia will not be supplied with nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs).

In September 2021, the Australian, British, and US governments announced a major new security partnership, AUKUS, which is structured into two main areas of focus, or pillars. Pillar 1 is a project that calls for the rotational deployment of four US and one UK submarine from a port in Western Australia. More importantly, it envisions the sale of three and then five Virginia-class submarines to Australia and the subsequent construction of a replacement for the US Navy. Additionally, the US and UK are expected to provide assistance to Australia for an Australian initiative to build three to five additional submarines from a new joint British-Australian submarine project to complement a planned Australian submarine force of eight vessels.

The US Congress passed the enabling legislation for Pillar 1 in December 2023, and the US, UK, and Australian governments are now implementing the first phases of the project. In June 2025, the US Department of Defense initiated a review of Pillar 1, but the White House expressed its intention to continue supporting AUKUS despite the review. In early December 2025, following the completion of the study, Trump administration officials publicly affirmed the administration's support for AUKUS, including Pillar 1.

The US Navy's problems​

The issue, analyzed by Congress in its latest document , concerns the procurement rate of the Virginia-class SSNs in fiscal year 2026 and beyond, that is, whether it will be two ships per year or lower or higher than this value.

As we know, the US shipbuilding industry is experiencing a long-standing production crisis, driven by past shipyard closures and workforce losses, compounded by shifting Defense Department priorities, last-minute design changes, and cost overruns. This has impacted the US Navy's operational readiness , which is struggling to complete scheduled maintenance and seeing fewer vessels enter service than in the past.

Therefore, in March 2025, the new US administration, in accordance with its “America First” policy, had already questioned Pillar 1 of the agreement with Australia, and subsequently in June the Department of Defense, as mentioned, had launched a review aimed at determining whether the United States should abandon the project, led by Elbridge Colby, a senior Department official who had previously expressed skepticism regarding AUKUS.

The Congressional report states that the U.S. Navy's five-year shipbuilding plan through fiscal year 2025 (2025–2029) calls for a total of nine Virginia-class boats , with one in fiscal year 2025 and two in 2026–2029. The 30-year shipbuilding plan for 2025–2054 projects that SSNs will continue to be acquired at a rate of two per year from 2030 until at least 2043. The number of SSNs in service, therefore, is expected to experience a decline or decline from the mid-2020s through the early 2030s. This decline is a consequence of the relatively small number of SSNs being acquired during the 1990s, the early years of the post-Cold War era.

The alternative to Pillar 1​

To help fill some of the projected capability gap, the U.S. Navy plans to refuel and extend the service life of up to seven Los Angeles -class SSN submarines , but under the 30-year naval construction plan, the SSN force would decline to 47 vessels in 2030 (marking the minimum), then increase to 50 by 2032 and to 64 or 66 by 2054. The issue is that these projected SSN force estimates do not take into account the impact of the sale of three or five Virginia-class submarines to Australia under the AUKUS deal. Some analysts fear that this projected reduction in SSN force levels could lead to a period of increased operational stress on the submarines (including crews) and possibly a period of weakening conventional deterrence against potential adversaries such as the People's Republic of China.

An alternative to Pillar 1 as currently structured is therefore proposed : a division of labor between the United States and Australia, under which US SSNs would perform both US and Australian missions , while Australia would invest in military capabilities to perform other non-submarine tasks for both Australia and the United States. Such a division of labor, it is argued, could be substantially similar to those already existing between the United States and some or all of its NATO or other allies (including Australia itself) for naval capabilities such as aircraft carriers, SSNs, large surface combatants, and amphibious ships, and for non-naval capabilities such as (to name but a few) nuclear weapons, space assets, and ISR capabilities. Under this new division, the deployment of US and UK SSNs to Australia under Pillar 1 would still be implemented.

Most importantly, up to eight additional Virginia-class SSNs would be built, and instead of selling three to five of them to Australia, those vessels would be retained in U.S. Navy service and operated by Australia alongside the five U.S. and British SSNs already slated to be operated by Australia under the agreement. Furthermore, Australia, instead of using the funds to purchase, build, operate, and maintain its own SSNs, would invest those funds in other military capabilities , such as long-range anti-ship missiles, drones, loitering munitions, B-21 long-range bombers or other long-range strike aircraft, or systems to defend against ballistic missile attacks, cruise missiles, manned aircraft, or drones, thereby creating an Australian capability to perform other missions.

Australian missions, American means​

Congress also envisions continued sharing of U.S. naval nuclear propulsion technology and U.S. submarine technology, Australian investment in Australian and U.S. submarine construction capacity, and other actions to support eventual Australian construction of SSNs, whereby Australia would eventually build its own SSNs , thereby reducing the need for U.S. submarines to perform Australian missions.

Alternatively, the execution of Australian SSN missions by US SSNs would continue indefinitely , and instead of implementing technology sharing, investing in submarine construction capacity, and taking other actions necessary to build SSNs, Australia would continue to invest in other military capabilities to support a continued division of labor with the United States. Under this variant, the size of the US SSN force would therefore be expanded by eight vessels from previously planned levels.

This revision of the AUKUS proposed by Congress is significantly profound and indicative of how the White House is redefining its foreign policy posture , even with historic allies like Australia: the leitmotif now is "what benefit can I get from any agreement" regardless of the type of relationship. America First at its most extreme, and the end of soft power .
 

AUKUS: US now considering not handing over submarines to Australia


The United States has delivered yet another blow to the first pillar of AUKUS , the trinational defense and security cooperation treaty between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. What had previously only been floated by the U.S. executive branch is now becoming a reality through Congress : Australia will not be supplied with nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs).

In September 2021, the Australian, British, and US governments announced a major new security partnership, AUKUS, which is structured into two main areas of focus, or pillars. Pillar 1 is a project that calls for the rotational deployment of four US and one UK submarine from a port in Western Australia. More importantly, it envisions the sale of three and then five Virginia-class submarines to Australia and the subsequent construction of a replacement for the US Navy. Additionally, the US and UK are expected to provide assistance to Australia for an Australian initiative to build three to five additional submarines from a new joint British-Australian submarine project to complement a planned Australian submarine force of eight vessels.

The US Congress passed the enabling legislation for Pillar 1 in December 2023, and the US, UK, and Australian governments are now implementing the first phases of the project. In June 2025, the US Department of Defense initiated a review of Pillar 1, but the White House expressed its intention to continue supporting AUKUS despite the review. In early December 2025, following the completion of the study, Trump administration officials publicly affirmed the administration's support for AUKUS, including Pillar 1.

The US Navy's problems​

The issue, analyzed by Congress in its latest document , concerns the procurement rate of the Virginia-class SSNs in fiscal year 2026 and beyond, that is, whether it will be two ships per year or lower or higher than this value.

As we know, the US shipbuilding industry is experiencing a long-standing production crisis, driven by past shipyard closures and workforce losses, compounded by shifting Defense Department priorities, last-minute design changes, and cost overruns. This has impacted the US Navy's operational readiness , which is struggling to complete scheduled maintenance and seeing fewer vessels enter service than in the past.

Therefore, in March 2025, the new US administration, in accordance with its “America First” policy, had already questioned Pillar 1 of the agreement with Australia, and subsequently in June the Department of Defense, as mentioned, had launched a review aimed at determining whether the United States should abandon the project, led by Elbridge Colby, a senior Department official who had previously expressed skepticism regarding AUKUS.

The Congressional report states that the U.S. Navy's five-year shipbuilding plan through fiscal year 2025 (2025–2029) calls for a total of nine Virginia-class boats , with one in fiscal year 2025 and two in 2026–2029. The 30-year shipbuilding plan for 2025–2054 projects that SSNs will continue to be acquired at a rate of two per year from 2030 until at least 2043. The number of SSNs in service, therefore, is expected to experience a decline or decline from the mid-2020s through the early 2030s. This decline is a consequence of the relatively small number of SSNs being acquired during the 1990s, the early years of the post-Cold War era.

The alternative to Pillar 1​

To help fill some of the projected capability gap, the U.S. Navy plans to refuel and extend the service life of up to seven Los Angeles -class SSN submarines , but under the 30-year naval construction plan, the SSN force would decline to 47 vessels in 2030 (marking the minimum), then increase to 50 by 2032 and to 64 or 66 by 2054. The issue is that these projected SSN force estimates do not take into account the impact of the sale of three or five Virginia-class submarines to Australia under the AUKUS deal. Some analysts fear that this projected reduction in SSN force levels could lead to a period of increased operational stress on the submarines (including crews) and possibly a period of weakening conventional deterrence against potential adversaries such as the People's Republic of China.

An alternative to Pillar 1 as currently structured is therefore proposed : a division of labor between the United States and Australia, under which US SSNs would perform both US and Australian missions , while Australia would invest in military capabilities to perform other non-submarine tasks for both Australia and the United States. Such a division of labor, it is argued, could be substantially similar to those already existing between the United States and some or all of its NATO or other allies (including Australia itself) for naval capabilities such as aircraft carriers, SSNs, large surface combatants, and amphibious ships, and for non-naval capabilities such as (to name but a few) nuclear weapons, space assets, and ISR capabilities. Under this new division, the deployment of US and UK SSNs to Australia under Pillar 1 would still be implemented.

Most importantly, up to eight additional Virginia-class SSNs would be built, and instead of selling three to five of them to Australia, those vessels would be retained in U.S. Navy service and operated by Australia alongside the five U.S. and British SSNs already slated to be operated by Australia under the agreement. Furthermore, Australia, instead of using the funds to purchase, build, operate, and maintain its own SSNs, would invest those funds in other military capabilities , such as long-range anti-ship missiles, drones, loitering munitions, B-21 long-range bombers or other long-range strike aircraft, or systems to defend against ballistic missile attacks, cruise missiles, manned aircraft, or drones, thereby creating an Australian capability to perform other missions.

Australian missions, American means​

Congress also envisions continued sharing of U.S. naval nuclear propulsion technology and U.S. submarine technology, Australian investment in Australian and U.S. submarine construction capacity, and other actions to support eventual Australian construction of SSNs, whereby Australia would eventually build its own SSNs , thereby reducing the need for U.S. submarines to perform Australian missions.

Alternatively, the execution of Australian SSN missions by US SSNs would continue indefinitely , and instead of implementing technology sharing, investing in submarine construction capacity, and taking other actions necessary to build SSNs, Australia would continue to invest in other military capabilities to support a continued division of labor with the United States. Under this variant, the size of the US SSN force would therefore be expanded by eight vessels from previously planned levels.

This revision of the AUKUS proposed by Congress is significantly profound and indicative of how the White House is redefining its foreign policy posture , even with historic allies like Australia: the leitmotif now is "what benefit can I get from any agreement" regardless of the type of relationship. America First at its most extreme, and the end of soft power .

With the way things are going in Britain today, even their SSNs could fall into trouble.

Guess they are getting what they paid for.
 
I'm glad that is the public statement, it relives them of any war crimes

"Australia is a key signatory and State Party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), having signed on December 9, 1998, and ratified it on July 1, 2002. As a longstanding member, Australia supports the Court's role in prosecuting genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity"
 
With the way things are going in Britain today, even their SSNs could fall into trouble.

Guess they are getting what they paid for.
the congressional report, what that article is based on, has been fully coved in the last couple of pages, It's one page out of 90 from a congressional aid, who has no classification and working open source, it means nothing
The review that the US did, approved by Trump for the subs will be sold to Australia, is the only thing that counts, That is also said in the report, but it doesn't make good clickbait
 
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the congressional report, what that article is based on, has been fully coved in the last couple of pages, It's one page out of 90 from a congressional aid, who has no classification and working open source, it means nothing
The review that the US did, approved by Trump for the subs will be sold to Australia, is the only thing that counts, That is also said in the report, but it doesn't make good clickbait

Considering the way things are going with concerns to PLAN's sub-building capacity, it won't be surprising if the US does what's been mentioned.

But this is still less of a problem than the British program that's actually supposed to get you those subs. A civil war in Britain will end your SSN dream. Good on ya for having chosen Indian migration over the *censored*, saved your women and your nation's future.
 
I have previously said it is in the best interests of Australia to have just once class of submarine, So just the SSN-AUKUS is my choice and let them run a dozen of their own subs out of Australia,
The US will do what is in the best interest of the US, They have determined that it is in their interests for us to get their subs

You also need to realise that we are being used, to get congress to give the funding for the US shipyards
 
You also need to realise that we are being used, to get congress to give the funding for the US shipyards
I've often noticed Aussies have a very exaggerated notion of themselves. I can't exactly tell where does it come from. They just can't stomach the fact that they don't enjoy much esteem with either the US or little britain & it has nothing to do with the Starmer or Trump administration. That's just the way things are.

Consider this statement from pops. I mean why on earth will the Trump administration use Oz to get the Congress to sanction additional funds for US shipyards ?

They can always use China as an excuse or Russia or even India or Iran as of now . Apart from this there's the issue of training manpower which is a time consuming process as it's a highly skilled job . Then there's the question of unions there who've to be mollified. Setting up a new shipyard from scratch isn't a joke pops. It requires both time as well as money.

The fact of the matter is Oz just doesn't figure high in either the Congressional list of priorities or the Trump administration's list of priorities . They see Oz as good enough for hand me downs. I mean what's the point of a con job if you've to shell money from your pocket to get the job done ?

US will cater to AUKUS once they've sorted out their own mess regarding submarines. As far a little britain goes , the less said the better . The Royal Navy is royally & totally screwed.

Oz rather depend on India to get those submarines fast & I'm not joking here. Le Francais have hexed you guys pops. The only breakthrough to this logjam is you French kiss with Naval Group & make up. I suspect eventually that's what you'd be doing after exhausting all options.
 
I have previously said it is in the best interests of Australia to have just once class of submarine, So just the SSN-AUKUS is my choice and let them run a dozen of their own subs out of Australia,
The US will do what is in the best interest of the US, They have determined that it is in their interests for us to get their subs

The question is do you actually think you will get the SSN-AUKUS? Britain of today isn't the same as it was in 2023. Even 5 years from now could be a very different time there.


The Royal Navy is probably on its last legs.

You also need to realise that we are being used, to get congress to give the funding for the US shipyards

The Chinese and Russians will be the main driver behind such a decision, not Aus.
 
Another nobody wanting 5 minutes of fame, the last article from him was 2015

I'd worry more about France than the UK
"France's government debt-to-GDP ratio is on an upward trajectory, estimated to be around 115.5% to 117.7% by the end of 2025 and projected to rise further to 118.1% in 2026. This high level of debt, driven by structural deficits, places France among the most indebted nations in the Eurozone, trailing only Greece and Italy. "


Yet it is Australia they are beating the congressman over the head with
 
  • United Kingdom: Ranked as the 6th largest spender globally ($81.8 billion in 2024). The government is considering a significant increase to 3% of GDP, which could require an extra £10-15 billion.
  • France: Ranked as the 9th largest spender globally ($64.7 billion in 2024). The 2025 budget includes a significant allocation, with projected defense spending (including pensions) around €61.8 billion ($71.7 billion).
 
Yes there is an admission to the table cost of a few billion, We will be fine, You can sleep peacefully tonight, Knowing that both the Virginia and the SSN-AUKUS will be a better sub than the French SSN

It's still is not a bad sub, though there are issues
I watched the video and even listened to the comments, and I didn't find the issues you're talking about. Instead, I found it to be a flattering presentation.
 
Another nobody wanting 5 minutes of fame, the last article from him was 2015

I'd worry more about France than the UK
"France's government debt-to-GDP ratio is on an upward trajectory, estimated to be around 115.5% to 117.7% by the end of 2025 and projected to rise further to 118.1% in 2026. This high level of debt, driven by structural deficits, places France among the most indebted nations in the Eurozone, trailing only Greece and Italy. "


Yet it is Australia they are beating the congressman over the head with

The local security situation will determine finances over the next 5 years. UK is a lot more unstable than France.
 
20.03.2026

The weakest link: Australia’s submarine hopes depend on the UK, but Britannia no longer rules the waves​

If the US is unable to provide Virginia-class submarines and the UK’s timeline to build the Aukus class falters, Australia could be left with nothing
When HMS Anson – a British nuclear submarine – surfaced just off the coast of Perth last month, it was hailed as vindication of the Aukus triumvirate: “a historic new phase” in Australia’s path towards commanding its own nuclear submarines.​
The submarine’s arrival, it was argued, was demonstration of the political willbehind the ambitious Aukus deal: manifestation of Donald Trump’s exhortation the agreement was “full steam ahead”.​
But the Anson’s arrival brought with it no small amount of consternation also.​
Anson is now the only attack submarine in the British fleet that can be put to sea, of a supposed complement of six. The others are all in maintenance, being refitted or have been stripped for parts to keep other subs afloat.​
“Perhaps more local concerns should be the priority,” the news site Navy Lookout suggested, unconvinced by foreign adventurism.​
And so it came to pass. When war suddenly broke out in the Middle East and the Anson abruptly ended its engagement in Australia early – called back to a potential deployment in the strait of Hormuz – there was no fanfare, none of the triumphalism.​
It was, perhaps, a neat metaphor for the Aukus agreement itself: political intent aplenty, but capacity lacking.​
The spirit is willing, but the flesh …​

A ‘demanding’ timeline​

In the gallons of newsprint spilled over the Aukus deal, forensic attention has been paid to the capacity of the US to spare three Virginia class submarines for Australia from the early 2030s.​
Given sclerotic – and thus-far stubbornly unshiftable – rates of shipbuilding in the US despite billions in Australian taxpayers’ assistance, the Congressional Research Office has openly considered that instead of the US selling any Virginia-class submarines to Australia, it would instead rotate its own US-commanded vesselsthrough Australian ports.​

But Australia’s use of the American submarine is only ever intended as a transitory capability.​
Far more than the US, Australia must depend on the UK.​
For its own, sustained nuclear submarine capability, Australia will rely on Britain’s capacity to design and build the first of an entirely new class of nuclear submarine: the SSN Aukus.​
Some have argued the UK’s nuclear submarine industry is beyond salvation.​
“The UK is no longer capable of managing a nuclear submarine program,” rear admiral Philip Mathias, a former director of nuclear policy at the Ministry of Defence, said last year, blaming “gross mismanagement” and a “catastrophic failure of succession and leadership planning”.​
Even the booster-ish House of Commons inquiry into Aukus heard it was “a source of national shame the way we’ve treated the nuclear submarine building enterprise in this country”.​
Lord Case, formerly the head of Britain’s civil service, told the defence committee: “somehow, we became the world’s most embarrassed nuclear nation”.​
The published “optimal pathway” forecasts the first Aukus class submarine being built by the UK for the Royal Navy in the “late 2030s”.​
The design of that vessel will form the basis for Australia’s own Aukus submarines, to be built in Adelaide. Australia’s first Aukus submarine is due in the water in the “early 2040s”.​
It is, by even the most optimistic accounts, a “demanding” timeline. And the UK has more pressing priorities.​
It must first complete the seventh and final boat in the Astute class (Britain’s nuclear attack submarine, of which the Anson is the most recent into active service). But the UK also has, in construction, four Dreadnought class nuclear ballistic submarines, the basis of the UK’s nuclear deterrent.​

All of these are being built by BAE Systems Submarines at Barrow-in-Furness, in Cumbria.​
Put frankly, one senior UK defence source told the Guardian on condition of anonymity, while upholding Aukus is politically important to the UK, other boats must, and will, take precedence.​

Back of the queue​

That leaves Australia in an invidious position.​
If the US is unable (by its own legislation) to provide Virginia-class submarines, and the UK’s timeline to build the Aukus class falters, those countries still have nuclear submarine fleets.​
Australia will be left with nothing (its ageing diesel-electric Collins class submarinesalready having been extended far beyond their slated working life).​
Australia has the most at stake in Aukus, but the least control over how it unfolds.​
For while Australian tax dollars –A$1.6bn of a committed A$4.7bn to the US and A$452m of A$4.6bn to the UK – flood into foreign shipbuilding industries, Australia finds itself intractably at the back of the queue.​
Decades of neglect of the UK’s ship and submarine-building industries cannot be undone by prime ministerial paeans to the “crucible of British marine engineering … the historic vast maternity ward of these steel leviathans”.​
The UK government insists it can build Aukus submarines to a drumbeat of one submarine every 18 months.​
By comparison, the smaller Astute class submarines have been launched at a rate, on average, of one every three or four years.​
HMS Agamemnon, the penultimate Astute class boat, entered service last September: it took more than 12 years to build, the longest construction time of any British submarine ever.​

Okopi Ajonye, co-director of the Nuclear Information Service, argues “a lot of the UK industry’s problems are rooted in the fact that it’s highly consolidated: there’s only one site that makes all the submarines.”​
“The Dreadnought fleet needs to be built first, but the Dreadnought program has experienced considerable delays, and the program’s end date was not disclosed in the latest annual report on the UK’s government’s Major Projects Portfolio.”​
BAE Systems, the contractor building all three classes of submarine, faces immense logistical challenges in expanding its shipyard facilities, training thousands for a vastly expanded workforce, and streamlining construction processes that have remained stubbornly resistant to productivity uplifts, despite massive injections of new money (much of it Australian).​
Ajonye cites the UK government’s own reports for specific examples of looming, intractable delays.​
For four years in a row, the UK’s National Infrastructure and Service Transformation Authority has rated the Rolls-Royce-led project to build nuclear reactor cores for Britain’s new submarines as “unachievable”, citing in its most recent report the vagaries of “ongoing challenges”.​
Earlier reports flagged “major issues with project definition, schedule, budget, quality … which at this stage do not appear to be manageable or resolvable”.​
The reactor core is essential: without it, there is no nuclear submarine. Says Ajonye: “If I were an Australian politician, or in defence, I would have very low confidence in the timely delivery of the Aukus submarine.”​
Ajonye argues too that the UK experience carries lessons for Australia, in the submarines’ nuclear legacy.​
Despite having nuclear submarines since 1963, the UK still has no permanent storage for the high-level nuclear waste its submarines leave behind, toxic waste that will remain hazardous to humans and the environment for millennia. The Australian government promised to outline a process for identifying a waste site “within the next 12 months” more than three years ago. There is still no site, nor any process.​
The UK has decommissioned 23 nuclear submarines, but never dismantled a single one. Ten of Britain’s retired subs remain nuclear-fuelled, most sitting in water in docks around Britain.​

The UK government has committed £200m over 10 years to “revitalise” Barrow and its industrial base.​
Lord Case, formerly Boris Johnson’s head of the civil service, now leads “Team Barrow”, committed, he told a parliamentary committee, to regenerating the city whose “fortunes have waxed and waned” alongside those of the shipyard.​
Booster for Barrow though he is, Case concedes the Aukus timeframe is “a very demanding target”.​
“That will be a real challenge to deliver. The thing that we are under pressure to do is deliver housing, schools and hospitals to make sure that the workforce is there to produce the boats on time. We are behind where we need to be.”​
Dr Marion Messmer is director of the International Security Programme at Chatham House. She argues the UK’s investments are starting to bear fruit, with the Dreadnoughts meeting construction milestones, and capacity expanding at Barrow-in-Furness.​
And she argues that a shifting geostrategic landscape is also compelling all three Aukus partners to uphold the deal.​
“One of the elements in favour of Aukus continuing at pace, particularly in the UK, is that these kinds of defence capability investment have received so much more attention since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. So much public and private money is flowing into these industrial spaces. I would be the first person to say ‘there’s a big challenge here’; but as far as we can see at this point, I am encouraged that things are going ahead according to schedule.”​
Messmer says the UK has underinvested in heavy industry and military production capability, “essentially since the end of the cold war”, a neglect that will take years to turn around.​
“It’s clearly not going to happen overnight that the UK is back at full capacity in terms of that kind of shipbuilding, but I am more confident now than in, say, 2021.”​
The UK, Messmer tells the Guardian, can find itself beholden to a “pessimism and defeatism” when it comes to its defence capabilities. She argues that some of the criticism is unjustified.​

“I would be incredibly surprised if, by the time the first Aukus submarines are in service, we would see that everything went exactly to plan and exactly to cost. When was the last time that actually happened?​
“But at this point in time, there’s nothing to suggest to me that we’re actually going to see anything beyond the usual delays and cost slips that you almost have to expect on a project of this size.”​

Questions to be asked​

Marcus Hellyer, head of research at Strategic Analysis Australia, describes himself as “Aukus agnostic”.​
“I don’t jump in and say ‘it’s all doomed’ or ‘it’s the greatest policy idea ever’, but there are certainly questions to be asked about the process that got us here, and how it is going.”​
Hellyer says Aukus was announced to the Australian people without any public debate or a proper assessment of alternative defence strategies, such as hypersonic missiles.​
And, he argues, while focus has been on the US capacity to deliver surplus Virginia-class submarines, Australia will ultimately have to rely far more heavily on a UK naval nuclear enterprise that has been “chronically underfunded”.​
“Now the UK government would say ‘well, where we’re addressing that, we’re funding that’, but there is a massive backlog in both investment required and work to be done.”​
Also, Hellyer says, it is hard to pin down exactly how far progressed the design for the new Aukus submarine is.​
“It’s really hard to get any kind of reliable information out of any of the players about the maturity of the assets in this program. We keep being told by admirals that the Aukus design is ‘mature’. Well, define ‘mature’.”​

“We’re not in the detailed design phase, so we’re still nowhere near starting construction … when are we actually going to start building this thing?”​
There is, too, the adversary argument.​
Since Aukus was announced in 2021, zero additional Aukus-nation submarines have been built beyond those already in the pipeline before the agreement was revealed. The US has built seven of its own nuclear submarines, the UK has launched one for its navy.​
In that time, China, the superpower Aukus is designed to counter, has launched 10 nuclear submarines.​
Historically, great naval powers have always had significant civilian industries upon which they can draw. China is now the world’s largest civilian ship builder. The US now accounts for just 0.1% of global shipbuilding.
“And their shipyards are successful not because they’ve got gazillions of lowly paid unskilled people banging away with hand tools,” Hellyer says, “they have significant technology and they are absolutely driven by efficiency, by delivering on time and on budget.​
“That’s why the Chinese will continue to outcompete us in terms of building ships and increasingly submarines … and now they’ve made that policy switch: they’re now bringing that to their undersea domain.”​
Our collective global future is being rapidly reshaped by political, technological and corporate forces focused on the accumulation of power and money. /end
 
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