This article appeared in
Le Monde on Monday 3 July. It provides an overview of the past week’s events. And perhaps, already, an assessment of the riots, since the "climate" has calmed down considerably since monday.
Violence: an unprecedented toll
In five days, the number of direct victims of fire, damage and theft has risen into the thousands
The violence in France now has little in common with the death of young Nahel M., killed by a police officer in Nanterre on Tuesday 27 June. Since Friday 30 June, the riots affecting hundreds of communes in France have changed in nature, with unprecedented intensity, extreme levels of violence, looting of shops, attacks on public services, civil servants and elected representatives and, finally, several thousand direct victims of fire, violence, damage and theft.
In five nights and as many days of violence, the toll has exceeded in severity, according to several sources, that of the riots in autumn 2005, which lasted three weeks. The figures only give a glimpse of those very long hours when groups of rioters took control of their neighbourhoods - which had already happened. But they also attacked public services and shops in city centres, causing panic in Marseille, Lyon, Toulouse and Strasbourg, which were sometimes drowned in tear gas, the sound of explosions and the smell of fires. At night, but also in broad daylight, despite a considerable police presence, with more than 40,000 civil servants mobilised, including units such as the RAID police and the GIGN gendarmes, and the use of armoured gendarmerie vehicles.
On Sunday 2 July, the Ministry of the Interior counted more than 5,000 vehicles torched, 10,000 rubbish bins set alight, nearly 1,000 buildings burnt, damaged or looted, 250 police stations and gendarmeries attacked, and more than 700 police officers injured. A firearm was used against the police in the Pissevin district of Nîmes, where a policeman's bullet-proof waistcoat blocked a 9 mm projectile - this was the case in 2005 in Grigny (Essonne) and Mont- fermeil (Seine-Saint-Denis). A 54-year-old man died on Thursday night in French Guiana, hit by a stray bullet fired by a rioter, according to the police.
"We are the law"
In an unprecedented move, rioters attacked elected representatives, marking a further stage in the radicalisation process, as in Pontoise (Val-d'Oise), Montluçon (Allier) and L'Haÿ-les-Roses (Val-de-Marne), where the mayor (Les Républicains, LR), Vincent Jeanbrun, was directly targeted: a car was thrown at his house and then set on fire, forcing his wife and two young children to flee. "A new level of horror and ignominy has been reached", said the mayor in outrage. "The vehicle was set on fire to burn down the house", said the Créteil public prosecutor. An investigation into attempted murder has been opened.
The countless scenes described by witnesses in hundreds of different locations are appalling in their violence and determination. Elected representatives from suburbs accustomed to tense situations recount extremely brutal acts. In their own words, they describe an attempt by a generation of very young men to seize power.
In Corbeil-Essonnes (Essonne), the mayor, Bruno Piriou (various-left), spent nights following the movements of the groups through the many CCTV cameras. Some 300 individuals out of a population of 52,000. "I saw some very organised young people getting ready, all dressed alike. There was even a group of seven people dressed in white overalls and big glasses, using a disc saw to cut down the poles where the cameras are installed. On the walls, tags tell of the desire to take power. "The law is ours", "Death to the pigs", "A good cop is a dead cop", etc. "There is a section of young people who take action to attack what they see as the established order", says the elected representative.
In Sevran (Seine-Saint-Denis), the rioters made a frontal attack on the police station and the town hall. This is unprecedented in a town that has been subject to major tensions for years. "The whole city was affected, not just certain districts. We've been dealt a major blow", said the mayor (various left-wing), Stéphane Blanchet, who was appalled by the level of determination shown by the rioters. The Carrefour shopping mall was looted. The Action shop was ravaged by fire.
Dozens of vehicles were set alight in one of France's poorest towns. Twelve of them were municipal vehicles taken out of the garage one by one to be set on fire. "They want to break the back of our town", testified the mayor, saying he was "terrified" by the discovery of a tag stating "You took a life from us, we want a policeman."
These riots are evidence of a form of ultra-violence. Even in medium-sized towns. And far beyond the major urban centres. "We saw that the older brothers, aged 25 or 30, were outnumbered by the younger kids, many of them aged 14 or 15", says Olivier Bianchi, mayor (Socialist Party) of Clermont-Ferrand, where a school and a community centre were set on fire. So was an organic grocery shop set up by an association to provide quality food in the heart of a housing estate. "For the past thirty years, we have all seen on the ground that gang violence has continued to increase", laments Manuel Valls, who was mayor of Evry for eleven years before becoming interior minister and then prime minister.
The seriousness of the violence is causing great anger among the residents, who are the first victims of the damage. "Criminals have decided to destroy our republican institutions", said Valentin Ratieuville, mayor (LR) of Persan (Val-d'Oise) after the town hall fire. On his Facebook page, the elected representative published a text expressing his emotion and the extent of the shock he felt: "The aim of these thugs was clear: to destroy and annihilate at all costs (...). The people of Persan cannot accept being the victims of these criminals. Let them take responsibility for being cowards and let them be judged and punished for having betrayed and martyred Persian.
Virality
Astonishment and incomprehension. Mathias Wargon, head of emergency at the Delafontaine hospital in Saint-Denis (Seine-Saint-Denis), describes the insults and threats directed at medical staff by around twenty rioters who came to accompany their wounded patients - a dozen or so - on the night of Thursday to Friday. "What strikes me is the gap between the analyses I hear about politics and the reality on the ground, where I see violence and a form of opportunism when it comes to looting a shopping centre. We underestimate the stupidity of some of these people", says the emergency doctor, formerly of the Avicenne hospital in Bobigny, who is highly critical of the attempts by the far right and the far left to exploit the situation in different directions.
"Social networks". Without reducing the outbreak of violence of the last few days to a single cause, most of those involved in internal security stress the role played in the extremely rapid spread of the riot by online communication platforms, Telegram loops and, above all, Snapchat, an application that is very popular with young people, with over twenty million active daily users in France. Snapchat didn't exist eighteen years ago and it's changed the game," says Grégory Joron, national secretary of the Unité SGP Police FO union and a former CRS officer involved in the 2005 incidents. It's much easier for rioters to meet up, to coordinate at different points in an area, to fall back and start again further away.
Aware of the impact and consequences of this virality, the government summoned representatives of the main social networking platforms, such as Meta, Twitter, Snapchat and TikTok, on Friday to ask them to "make an active commitment to urgently remove messages reported to them and identify social network users who are involved in committing offences". However, it has not been possible to measure the impact of this request on operators or on the ground.
Competitive mimicry
Social networks are not only used to coordinate the actions of rioters. As vectors of propaganda that is all the more effective for its immediate effects, they are part of a process of competitive mimicry between towns, neighbourhoods and cities whose day-to-day relations are already marked by rivalry. "When a group films itself, the image circulates and others are tempted to imitate it, to show that they are there too, and capable of causing as much damage, if not more", analyses Johann Cavallero, national CRS delegate for the Alliance union, who served in the ranks of CRS 15 in Béthune (Pas-de-Calais) in the Paris region in 2005. The images of looting, relayed in real time, have not only led to "predatory opportunism" on the part of local residents, according to one investigator, but have also given them ideas: after the attack on a tobacconist's in the Roseraie district of Angers, the police arrested an individual who had come from a town twenty kilometres away to take advantage of the ransacking.
In the space of almost two decades, rioters have learned a great deal about how the police operate. "In 2005, the pattern was still classic: the rioters would lure firefighters into an ambush with a rubbish bin fire and take advantage of the situation to attack the units protecting the emergency services", analyses a senior police officer. This time, the offensive dimension has taken over "and they have shown that they are capable of deciding where and when to strike". This is borne out by the number of police stations, gendarmerie brigades and police offices targeted: 58 on Wednesday night, 90 the next day and more than a hundred between 30 June and 2 July, despite hundreds of arrests and the deployment of specialist units.
This is not a new phenomenon; in fact, it's almost a daily occurrence. But the scale of the damage caused is unprecedented. In Val-de-Marne, the Choisy-le-Roi police station was attacked two nights in a row, and thugs were narrowly beaten off as they made their way into the airlock of the Kremlin-Bicêtre police station; in Limoges, the police station in the Bastide district was ravaged by fire.
The occasional use of drones or young women, less suspicious in their eyes, to inform rioters of police movements, malicious calls to clog up the emergency services during the attack on the Val-de-Reuil (Eure) police station, individuals blocking off a street while their accomplices robbed shops, as in Paris on Thursday night, "certain groups are clearly capable of organising themselves and have made us fear the worst", according to a Parisian police chief. The result was a show of force on a scale not seen since 2005.
For many police officers, however, the key difference between the clashes in 2005 and those that have marred the past week lies first and foremost in their motive. Back then, they wanted to kill cops as a punitive expedition after the deaths of Zyed and Bouna," says a policeman stationed in the Paris region. This time, Nahel's death, dramatic as it was, just gave them a pretext to loot. The proof, argues Johann Cavallero: "Kids even younger than Nahel are dying from Kalashnikov bullets in gang fights almost every week. And yet, the suburbs are not moving. /deeplend