Lok Sabha passes Citizenship Bill amidst Opposition outcry

Bhaisaab the total Tamil refugees in India ever since the civil war started was 1Lakh, so why are you peddling this 1 million( 10 lakh ) number. I thought the CAB specifically motioned Hindus and not Muslims. I'm sure Hindu Tamils did not carryout any recent bombings in Lanka.Moreover according to IB reports Sikh khalistani orgs in Pakistan are busy smuggling arms and drugs into Punjab. Would you be much happier giving Sikh Khalastani terrorists Indian citizenship.
Sri Lankan Tamil refugees continue to demand Indian citizenship
hen hundreds of Tamil men, women and children had participated in the Sri Lankan civil war during its peak in the 1990s, 14-year-old Shivakumar was also supposed to join the war with his friends and classmates.



However, when his father had come to know about Shivakumar's plans, he had brought his family to India. They have stayed here since then.

Over 30 years have gone by but Shivakumar gets tears in his eyes every time he speaks about his homeland, Sri Lanka. "I want to go back home, so many men and women have lost their lives for winning our rights in our homeland. There is blood on that land, but I want to go back to respect the lost lives," said Shivakumar, who is now 42 years old.

Ravindran and his wife Jayanthini came to India in 2007 in a boat. "We had only one choice, either to stay there and die, or come here. For the future of our children, we decided to leave everything behind and come here," said Ravindran. It is never easy to survive during a war, he said, adding that he had lost count of how many people he knew had died in the war. Meanwhile, Jayanthini still has family back in Sri Lanka. She yearns for a day when she would unite with her kin.

At the Gummdipoondi refuge camp in Tamil Nadu where these refugees stay in, there are around 920 families consisting of over 3000 people. On the journey into the refugee camp, one can see closely located thatched houses and open sewage. The common restrooms, which were built earlier, are no longer usable with doors broken and wild shrubs growing inside them.

"We make the best use of what we get," said Ravindran while leading us to his home.

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At the Gummdipoondi refuge camp in Tamil Nadu. (Photo: India Today)
After coming from Sri Lanka, Ravindran started working in odd jobs. He had been working as a tractor driver recently. He was arrested by the police for transporting sand. "We don't know the laws of the land here. I was arrested and went to jail for 19 days. The owner of the firm faced no issue. Now I have lost my job and for the last two months, I have not got any cash assistance that is generally given to refugees. My lawyer said that my going to jail should not stop them from giving me the assistance amount, but the officials here have denied me money," said Ravindran. He and his family have been struggling to make their ends meet.


52-year-old Sumathi was just 20 years old when she carried her one-month-old girl and embarked on her journey out of Sri Lanka. She said it was a challenging journey, but there was no other option in front of them. Her entire family, including her parents, siblings and their spouses, had decided to leave all their belongings and start afresh in India. Sumathi said she had no desire to return to Sri Lanka now.

She said, "I have three children, a boy and two girls. The eldest has got married to a Tamil boy here. So we want to just live here in this country."

She, like many others in the camp, desires for citizenship. After spending 30 to 40 years in India as refugees, many have no idea what is left for them back in their homeland.

sl_refugees_2-1200x720.jpg

Photo: India Today/Akshaya Nath.
The tag of being refugees has denied these people many opportunities, said the residents at the Gummdipoondi refuge camp.

"In the refugee camp there are many people who have studied IT and all, but we have not been able to get good opportunities. We don't have identity proof and this has put us in a spot where we don't get loans from banks and good companies don't give us work. People like me have lost a lot of opportunities. I am an artist and I make signboards, but I have lost many orders because I still haven't got a GST number. Though we have the talent, we are put at a disadvantage because of our identity as refugees," said Shivakumar.

Recently the Tamil Nadu government had said that they would call refugee camps as rehabilitation camps, but this "will not make any real change for us", said Shivakumar. "The real issues we face on ground should be addressed. The move of the CM is appreciated but that is not enough," he added.

The younger generation also fears about their future due to the refugee tag attached to them. Kayalvizhi, 16, has opted for Biology and Maths in class 11. She wants to be a doctor, but the opportunity for the same is very slim, she said. "There are many people from this camp who want to become doctors but unfortunately we don't get medical seats," said Kayalvizhi.

In 2014, a Sri Lankan refugee student had scored 1170 out of 1200 and had got 197.5 for medical cutoff, but she was still denied a seat. There was a PIL filed seeking her admission.

The community at large is denied opportunities, said members of the camp. Shivakumar, said, "We are denied chances to study MBBS and law. MBBS is difficult to get admission to for the people of this country itself, so you can imagine our plight. During the AIADMK regime, a Sri Lankan refugee girl had filed a case for MBBS seat. In the previous DMK government two or three seats were given but that again was lost in the following AIADMK government. Again, admission to law colleges has never been available to us. There is a fear that we will start asking questions. They want us to remain as an oppressed community."

sl_refugees_1-1200x720.jpg

Photo: India Today/Akshaya Nath/
During a visit to Trichy in Tamil Nadu, Sri Lankan Tamil MP VS Radhakrishnan urged the Tamil Nadu and Indian governments to take steps to give citizenship to Sri Lankan refugees in the state. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin had also spoken about the SL refugees issue in the assembly and stated that the CAA, 2019, was denying the right for citizenship to Sri Lankan refugees.

According to reports, there are 94,069 Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India, with many of them living in 107 camps across Tamil Nadu. The Ministry of Home Affairs, in a report, had stated that over 3 lakh refugees came to India between 1983 and 2012 during the civil war. Till 1995, 99,469 were repatriated to Sri Lanka after which there has been no organised repatriation.

The current situation puts these refugees in a situation where they can't vote or hold any properties in India. For close to 30 to 40 years these refugees are stuck in life with no progress or clue on when they will be accepted either in this country or their motherland.

Ravindran asked, "If the Central government is giving us citizenship we can stay here otherwise the state should make arrangements to send us. What is the point of living without citizenship? What is the point of living a life of a refugee till the end?"
 
So twitter trending again with Hindutva and terror, just conveniently when US president and Indian PM meet, like before in Delhi riots.

Hindus are terrorists, only when US president visits india or when PM Modi visits US. We can skip in between, if it doesn't bring milage.

Isn't far off reality from shemales dancing to someone's wealth for some money and fame.

Leftists-Jihadi media can be against Modi but maintain some standard. You have my pity.
 

Modi's weakness is he wants to be world leader with good name in international media, he wants to loot the wah wahi and fame. The world lured him this way, by giving him awards, print his name in famous magzines( in Hindi we call it chaney ke jhaad pe chardhana). In return whatever he could have done with much harder rules he couldn't do it. The Cadre has to suffer due to his inaction.
 

87% of applicants granted Indian citizenship hail from Pakistan | RTI Exclusive​

In the past five years, 87 per cent of the applicants who have received Indian citizenship hail from Pakistan.The Ministry of Home Affairs revealed this in response to a Right to Information (RTI) query filed by India Today.

Over the last five years, 5220 foreigners have been granted Indian citizenship, with 4552 (87 per cent) of the new citizens hailing from Pakistan.

Screenshot__597__0-x223.png

(Source: MHA’s RTI response)
In the last five years, over six lakh Indians have given up their citizenship, according to Union Minister of State for Home Nityanand Rai, who informed the Lok Sabha in November last year. Nityanand Rai informed the Lok Sabha that in the last five years, from 2017 to 2021 (till Sept 10), 6,08,162 people gave up Indian citizenship.

In response to India Today’s RTI, the Home Ministry stated that 5220 foreigners were granted Indian citizenship between 2017 and 2022.

On an average, 1,21,632 people gave up Indian citizenship every year, but only an average of 1044 people took Indian citizenship in the last five years. This means total intake is only about 1 per cent of the total brain drain.

Screenshot__598__0-x131.png

Source: MHA in Lok Sabha
The United States accounts for over 40 per cent of citizenship renunciation requests, followed by Australia and Canada, which together account for around 30 per cent of such requests.

The top destination for Indians is the USA’s citizenship. Reverse migration is also taking place, but at a very microscopic level. Only 71 American citizens opted to take Indian citizenship in the last 5 years. In contrast, the top three countries whose residents got Indian citizenship are Pakistan (87%), Afghanistan (8%) and Bangladesh (2%).

In the last five years, only 2021 more than a thousand people got Indian Citizenship. This year, 1745 Indian Citizenship have been granted, out of which 1580 applicants were from Pakistan.​

 

Move to India or trust Taliban? Kabul’s Sikhs in doubt, 2 months after IS attack on gurudwara​

Kabul: In a wealthy quarter of Kabul known as Kart-e-Parwan, Afghanistan’s tiny Sikh community has been in a huddle.


A second gurudwara attack within two years by the Islamic State (IS) has put the fear of god into what once was a prosperous group, controlling regional trade and being a key part of professional occupations like medicine and engineering.



While the most recent attack came on 18 June at the Gurdwara Dashmesh Pita Guru Gobind Singh Karte Parwan in Kart-e-Parwan, killing two Sikhs, a previous attack in 2020, at another gurdwara in Kabul, had killed 25.


The Taliban government in Afghanistan, which celebrated a year of return to power on 15 August, has not just ordered a 24-hour security detail to be placed outside the Dashmesh Pita Guru Gobind Singh gurudwara since the June attack, but promised a sum of 40 lakh Afghanis (nearly Rs 40 lakh) for the reconstruction of the gurudwara.


“The Taliban have been asking us, again and again, how can we help. Voh har tareekay se madad karna chahte hain (They want to help in every possible way). They want to help us in any way we want,” says community leader Ram Sharan, who was born in Afghanistan. Sharan admits that only 100-120 Sikhs and Hindus are left in the country today, but refuses to acknowledge that they may be nearing the end of a 200-year-old heritage.

Abdul Qahar Balkhi, the spokesperson of the ministry of foreign affairs of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, echoes Ram Sharan.


In an exclusive interview with ThePrint in Kabul earlier, Balkhi had said, “Afghanistan is the shared home of all Afghans. We have minority groups here, including Hindus and Sikhs, they have a long history in Afghanistan. We have provided them with protection. We have returned them the properties that were usurped and taken by force by the previous administration in Jalalabad and elsewhere”.



Clearly, the Taliban government realises that if it can treat its tiny Sikh-Hindu community with both compassion and financial kindness, it would go a long way in glossing over its reputation for awful violence and the curtailment of human rights of its own citizens.


Moreover, if India is to be reassured into returning to Afghanistan — which would imply, not just formal recognition, but also completing unfinished projects left behind when the ancient regime’s leaders fled, besides starting new ones — then the treatment of its Sikhs and Hindus could become the first tools to help develop trust between Kabul and Delhi.

The outer wall of the gurudwara still bears marks of the attack | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The outer wall of the gurudwara still bears marks of the attack | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
India does not recognise the Taliban interim government, or the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, but the embassy in Kabul — closed when the Taliban made a return to power in the the country — was reopened in June, when New Delhi deployed a “technical team” consisting of diplomats and others to the Afghan capital to “closely monitor and coordinate” the delivery of humanitarian assistance there.



There’s a third reason for the Taliban’s assurances of help and protection to the country’s Sikh community.


The Islamic Emirate knows that it cannot allow the Islamic State to challenge its control over Afghanistan, for which it has fought both foreign forces and fellow Afghans for the past 21 years. The Emirate believes that the question of “who is a better and purer Muslim” was settled on 15 August 2021, when it walked into Kabul without firing a shot, and former President Ashraf Ghani fled the country with a few key aides.


According to Balkhi, “ISIS has been engaged in violence against innocent people, but the government has been successful to a large extent in neutralising those groups and we will continue our efforts until they are completely eliminated from Afghanistan”.


He added: “The Islamic State, or Daesh, believe they are the only Muslims on the face of this planet. They excommunicate the majority of Muslims — the Sufis, other Muslims that aspire to different interpretations. The significant point is that they have no support inside Afghanistan”.

Living in fear


At the gurudwara in Kart-e-Parwan, Afghan workers have been working night and day since the June attack to return the structure to its original sanctity. Jalalabad’s green granite slabs are being stuck on some of the walls, white marble on others. The ceiling is being given a coat of paint.


On the periphery of the property, tall deodar trees stand as mute witnesses to the suicide attack by the Islamic State suicide squad, which came around 6.30 am on that fateful morning in June. The outer wall remains pockmarked with splinters that flew when the suicide-bomber rammed his truck into the gate of the gurudwara.


An awning of grapevines leading off from the entrance — now padlocked several times behind a thick steel door — impart an unusual character to this house of god. The ‘khanda’, the emblem of Sikh faith, stares back from the inner gate. The Guru Granth Sahib (the holy religious scripture of Sikhism, considered to be a living Guru by the Sikhs) itself is missing from the gurudwara building and has been kept in one of the houses of the pious laity, while the gurudwara is being reconstructed.


It will be returned to its rightful place when the gurudwara is made whole again — with more than a little help from the Taliban.

The Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next to the gurudwara | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next to the gurudwara | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The impact of the attack was so hard that not only was the glass front of the Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next door — which deals in Unani and Ayurvedic medicines — shattered, but the glass windows of houses of Sikhs as far as a couple of streets away rattled.


Surpal Singh’s huge house in Kart-e-Parwan was one such. A fortnight ago he dropped his young wife and four-year-old daughter (“the Guru gave her to us after seven years of marriage,” he told ThePrint) at Kabul airport to catch a flight to Delhi.


Surpal was born in Kabul, like his father before him. His wife is Afghan Sikh. The decision to return to India was a difficult one, but with the “situation, the haalaat, so bad,” he said, it was really a simple one to take.


Like Ram Sharan, Surpal Singh cannot bring himself to say that the days of the Sikh community in Afghanistan are numbered. But the roll call of attacks continues with dreadful regularity — 2018 in Jalalabad, 2020 in Shor Bazaar in Kabul in which 25 Sikhs were killed and 2022 in Kart-e-Parwan, in which two Sikhs lost their lives.


Luckily, that morning in June, there weren’t that many people around because the ardas, or morning prayer, was supposed to start at 7:10 am and the suicide bomber arrived at the gurudwara gates about 45 minutes before.


Days after the attack, a nervous community requested the Modi government for visas to come to India.


While some have already made the move since, more batches would leave in successive months.


The ones currently in Afghanistan didn’t really celebrate India’s 75th independence day Monday — India isn’t their country yet, even if it’s the only place in which they feel secure — or, like their fellow Afghan Muslims, did anything else special to commemorate the first anniversary of the Taliban’s return to power.


Caught in this pincer of fear and uncertainty, Afghanistan’s Sikhs have locked themselves in. They seem reassured by the new rulers in the place they have always called home, but they aren’t taking any bets yet. As for “home” on the other end of the recently revived Kabul-Delhi flight, it’s a thought worth holding on to.
 

Move to India or trust Taliban? Kabul’s Sikhs in doubt, 2 months after IS attack on gurudwara​

Kabul: In a wealthy quarter of Kabul known as Kart-e-Parwan, Afghanistan’s tiny Sikh community has been in a huddle.


A second gurudwara attack within two years by the Islamic State (IS) has put the fear of god into what once was a prosperous group, controlling regional trade and being a key part of professional occupations like medicine and engineering.



While the most recent attack came on 18 June at the Gurdwara Dashmesh Pita Guru Gobind Singh Karte Parwan in Kart-e-Parwan, killing two Sikhs, a previous attack in 2020, at another gurdwara in Kabul, had killed 25.


The Taliban government in Afghanistan, which celebrated a year of return to power on 15 August, has not just ordered a 24-hour security detail to be placed outside the Dashmesh Pita Guru Gobind Singh gurudwara since the June attack, but promised a sum of 40 lakh Afghanis (nearly Rs 40 lakh) for the reconstruction of the gurudwara.


“The Taliban have been asking us, again and again, how can we help. Voh har tareekay se madad karna chahte hain (They want to help in every possible way). They want to help us in any way we want,” says community leader Ram Sharan, who was born in Afghanistan. Sharan admits that only 100-120 Sikhs and Hindus are left in the country today, but refuses to acknowledge that they may be nearing the end of a 200-year-old heritage.

Abdul Qahar Balkhi, the spokesperson of the ministry of foreign affairs of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, echoes Ram Sharan.


In an exclusive interview with ThePrint in Kabul earlier, Balkhi had said, “Afghanistan is the shared home of all Afghans. We have minority groups here, including Hindus and Sikhs, they have a long history in Afghanistan. We have provided them with protection. We have returned them the properties that were usurped and taken by force by the previous administration in Jalalabad and elsewhere”.



Clearly, the Taliban government realises that if it can treat its tiny Sikh-Hindu community with both compassion and financial kindness, it would go a long way in glossing over its reputation for awful violence and the curtailment of human rights of its own citizens.


Moreover, if India is to be reassured into returning to Afghanistan — which would imply, not just formal recognition, but also completing unfinished projects left behind when the ancient regime’s leaders fled, besides starting new ones — then the treatment of its Sikhs and Hindus could become the first tools to help develop trust between Kabul and Delhi.

The outer wall of the gurudwara still bears marks of the attack | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The outer wall of the gurudwara still bears marks of the attack | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
India does not recognise the Taliban interim government, or the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, but the embassy in Kabul — closed when the Taliban made a return to power in the the country — was reopened in June, when New Delhi deployed a “technical team” consisting of diplomats and others to the Afghan capital to “closely monitor and coordinate” the delivery of humanitarian assistance there.



There’s a third reason for the Taliban’s assurances of help and protection to the country’s Sikh community.


The Islamic Emirate knows that it cannot allow the Islamic State to challenge its control over Afghanistan, for which it has fought both foreign forces and fellow Afghans for the past 21 years. The Emirate believes that the question of “who is a better and purer Muslim” was settled on 15 August 2021, when it walked into Kabul without firing a shot, and former President Ashraf Ghani fled the country with a few key aides.


According to Balkhi, “ISIS has been engaged in violence against innocent people, but the government has been successful to a large extent in neutralising those groups and we will continue our efforts until they are completely eliminated from Afghanistan”.


He added: “The Islamic State, or Daesh, believe they are the only Muslims on the face of this planet. They excommunicate the majority of Muslims — the Sufis, other Muslims that aspire to different interpretations. The significant point is that they have no support inside Afghanistan”.

Living in fear


At the gurudwara in Kart-e-Parwan, Afghan workers have been working night and day since the June attack to return the structure to its original sanctity. Jalalabad’s green granite slabs are being stuck on some of the walls, white marble on others. The ceiling is being given a coat of paint.


On the periphery of the property, tall deodar trees stand as mute witnesses to the suicide attack by the Islamic State suicide squad, which came around 6.30 am on that fateful morning in June. The outer wall remains pockmarked with splinters that flew when the suicide-bomber rammed his truck into the gate of the gurudwara.


An awning of grapevines leading off from the entrance — now padlocked several times behind a thick steel door — impart an unusual character to this house of god. The ‘khanda’, the emblem of Sikh faith, stares back from the inner gate. The Guru Granth Sahib (the holy religious scripture of Sikhism, considered to be a living Guru by the Sikhs) itself is missing from the gurudwara building and has been kept in one of the houses of the pious laity, while the gurudwara is being reconstructed.


It will be returned to its rightful place when the gurudwara is made whole again — with more than a little help from the Taliban.

The Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next to the gurudwara | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next to the gurudwara | Photo: Jyoti Malhotra | ThePrint
The impact of the attack was so hard that not only was the glass front of the Hakim Narinder Khalsa Folic Medicalist shop next door — which deals in Unani and Ayurvedic medicines — shattered, but the glass windows of houses of Sikhs as far as a couple of streets away rattled.


Surpal Singh’s huge house in Kart-e-Parwan was one such. A fortnight ago he dropped his young wife and four-year-old daughter (“the Guru gave her to us after seven years of marriage,” he told ThePrint) at Kabul airport to catch a flight to Delhi.


Surpal was born in Kabul, like his father before him. His wife is Afghan Sikh. The decision to return to India was a difficult one, but with the “situation, the haalaat, so bad,” he said, it was really a simple one to take.


Like Ram Sharan, Surpal Singh cannot bring himself to say that the days of the Sikh community in Afghanistan are numbered. But the roll call of attacks continues with dreadful regularity — 2018 in Jalalabad, 2020 in Shor Bazaar in Kabul in which 25 Sikhs were killed and 2022 in Kart-e-Parwan, in which two Sikhs lost their lives.


Luckily, that morning in June, there weren’t that many people around because the ardas, or morning prayer, was supposed to start at 7:10 am and the suicide bomber arrived at the gurudwara gates about 45 minutes before.


Days after the attack, a nervous community requested the Modi government for visas to come to India.


While some have already made the move since, more batches would leave in successive months.


The ones currently in Afghanistan didn’t really celebrate India’s 75th independence day Monday — India isn’t their country yet, even if it’s the only place in which they feel secure — or, like their fellow Afghan Muslims, did anything else special to commemorate the first anniversary of the Taliban’s return to power.


Caught in this pincer of fear and uncertainty, Afghanistan’s Sikhs have locked themselves in. They seem reassured by the new rulers in the place they have always called home, but they aren’t taking any bets yet. As for “home” on the other end of the recently revived Kabul-Delhi flight, it’s a thought worth holding on to.
 

MHA considers easing entry norms for minorities from neighbouring countries​

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) is considering easing norms for minorities of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh who entered India on valid documents, but whose passports and visas have since expired.

The ministry is considering making some additional features in the citizenship portal to allow the same, it is learnt.

In December 2019, the Parliament amended the Citizenship Act granting citizenship to immigrants belonging to Hindu, Jain, Sikh, Parsi, Christian and Buddhist communities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan — but not Muslims. The legislation was passed amid strong criticism from the Opposition and triggered massive nationwide protests.

MHA sources Tuesday said the matter of making changes in the portal — to accept expired passports and visas as supporting documents to process citizenship applications — is at the discussion stage as of now.

In MHA, the Foreigners Division deals with matters relating to visa, protected area permit (PAP)/Restricted Area Permit (RAP) regimes, immigration, citizenship, overseas citizenship of India, acceptance of foreign contribution and hospitality.

“From April 1, 2021, to December 31, 2021, a total of 2,439 Long Term Visas have been granted by MHA for minority communities from three neighbouring countries. This includes Pakistan (2,193), Afghanistan (237) and Bangladesh (9),” its annual report said.

Last year, the MHA had issued a gazette notification granting powers under existing rules to authorities in 13 districts of Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Haryana and Punjab to accept, verify and approve citizenship applications from members of minority communities hailing from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh. A similar notification had been issued in 2018 as well for other districts in several states.