General News, Questions And Discussions - Indian Navy

Orders have nothing to do with it . It has everything to do with the advance payment received. If they don't receive the advance , the order is counted against next year's target.
payment is given in stages for development contracts, and there are very few advances paid initially now in most cases if its not a development contract, for instance if its delivery contract after T0+certain months after the first delivery schedule depending on structure of payment 30-50% are paid. then another 30% then final delivery clears the rest. Otherwise if single lot delivery its cleared in one go, or 90%.
Now different labs probably have their own structure, RCI clears whole after final delivery, while the likes of BEL, the shipyards specifically etc receive payment in stages after certain delivery/progress completion. DRDL does slightly different depending on delivery, if one lot delivery.
So what happens even if contract is signed today, the order & payment will likely be counted in next years book, this also helps improve next years book forecast.

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That's almost 0.25 Billion per boat, what could it be of sensitive nature, that is the key question.
I don't think it refers to 9 vessels per say. 9 schemes can be 9 projects. Some funds for Varsha, some funds for SBC, some funds for development of SSN sub systems, maybe a spy ship/missile tracking ship....
 
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How India’s new naval base at Andamans will force Beijing to reassess its strategy​

(theindianexpress, mar.14, Raja Menon) How India’s new naval base at Andamans will force Beijing to reassess its strategy
The downstream effect will be seen in the coming years when China begins to treat India as an equal, because again, tactical calculation will make the truth obvious in Beijing

In a bold, imaginative and strategic move, the government of India has quietly begun to build a holistic naval base on Great Nicobar Island, which stands squarely overlooking the entrance to the Malacca Straits, and is barely 90 miles from the tip of Indonesia. This step, in terms of chess terminology, is like moving the queen out into the open to give the opposing king a direct check. For instance, it immediately threatens to bring the shutter down on China’s extended neck stretching far out into the Indian Ocean, far westward to Djibouti and Gwadar. A naval base in Great Nicobar would be the central piece to an oceanic strategy, to offer a counter punch to Chinese aggression in the Himalayas.​

Deeply vulnerable in its dependence on imported oil, China’s Indian Ocean lines of communications imports over 65 per cent of its oil dependency. One would think that with such a deep vulnerability, Beijing would tread cautiously on the Himalayan LAC. But, so far, it has firmly believed that New Delhi is totally and deeply mired in a short-sighted land-centric strategy ignoring the advantages conferred on India by its maritime geography.​
The tactical scenario in the Malacca Straits and South China Sea is already dominated by the intelligence sharing and communications agreements of the Quad. In times of crisis, these agreements would be activated and India would be the beneficiary of the entire tactical picture in the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. An aggressive Chinese move on the northern LAC would be countered by a threat to China-bound tankers in the Malacca Straits.​

Operating from the new base in Great Nicobar, Indian fighter aircraft directed by own air early warning aircraft would clamp down information dominance over the Malacca Straits. A PLA attempt to send a task force to investigate the tanker stoppage would walk straight into the trap of a geographically constructed “killing ground” dominated by Indian aircraft and missile-armed ships and submarines.​

Hopefully, it won’t come to that because Beijing as well as Delhi can make their own tactical calculations.​

All this, of course, depends on whether New Delhi is prepared to see the game through, and permit the new base in Great Nicobar to be the beginning of an oceanic strategy to replace the tired land-centric approach where India face impossible geographical obstacles. It also depends on whether the political intention is merely to set up a minor reconnaissance base in great Nicobar or a full-fledged Pearl Harbour that will be the Indian outpost of the to-be-set-up eastern theatre command, which is strong enough to deter the Chinese risking escalation with India. The strategy that is being recommended is in accordance with the current revolution in military affairs, where the prerequisite to victory is in formation dominance and the denial of information to the enemy. With a base in Great Nicobar, the entry to the Malacca Straits would be a hundred miles away while the nearest Chinese base in Sanya would be 1,500 miles away.​

It is rumoured that the Chinese have awarded a major dredging contract off Gwadar and that their intention is to operate an aircraft carrier in support of Djibouti and base it in Gwadar. With access to the Malacca Straits in Indian hands, these deep laid plans would blow away in the wind. A Sino-Indian conflict scenario suddenly looks catastrophic for Beijing. Of course India’s total strategy would have to be played skillfully, coordinating between the armed forces and the diplomats to keep the threshold as low as possible.​
This daring move by New Delhi illustrates once again that the strategic rules governing war have not changed over the years. Alexander the Great never fought on ground not of his choosing, nor did Napoleon and the great captains of war. At sea, choosing the area to fight essentially means creating a dominant battlespace where our information dominance prevails and the enemy is blinded. Under such conditions, the odds of numbers on the Chinese side are not a relevant factor as the Ukraine war has once again demonstrated.​
In Ukraine, the local satellite information is made available right down to the platoon commanders level, on the cell phone via US satellite internet.​
This author authored a paper in September 2021 — “Reorienting the Military Grand Strategy: From Defensive Territoriality to an Offensive Oceanic Strategy” — which was circulated within the government. This paper calls for abandoning the two-front war scenario, downsizing the army and counter-punching the Chinese on the seas, thereby denying Beijing a fight on ground of its own choosing. With an Indian tri-service base sitting on the Chinese line of communications, their outposts in the Indian Ocean will wither on the vine.​

All this is not to suggest going to war with China, in fact, just the reverse. In the transactions between the two countries there is fear, currently, on the Indian side, that Delhi is dealing with a country that can overwhelm India, should it choose to do so. It is not an unfounded fear, but one based on tactical calculation. This calculation will now change. The downstream effect will be seen in the coming years when China begins to treat India as an equal, because again, tactical calculation will make the truth obvious in Beijing. /end
 
Does any nation have the capability to refuel a conventional submarine while it is being submerged? So that it does not have to resurface and we can refuel secretly via another ship??
If not then what could be the possible reasons(operational reasons only not design limitations) no body has decided to use this capability?