India & Middle East : Updates and Discussions


Interesting discussion but 32:00 onwards Talmiz Ahmed goes off on a tangential thought process which betrays his own biases than what seems to be the case on the ground viz : he seems to think that the Ladakh crisis is due to India deepening it's engagement with the Quad & IN sending warships to the SCS for joint patrolling / exercises / FONOPS (?) & that we're now course correcting taking cognizance of new realities which in turn was understood by China symbolised by Wang Yi's visit (?).

He seems more hung up on his formation years of education in Cold War diplomacy , being unable to shake it off bringing it in to view contemporary events with those lens viz : he argues for strengthening BRICS ,RIC , rapprochement with China , etc .

His assessment towards the last 7-8 min of what's otherwise a wonderful interview nearly derails the deep insights of the preceding 30 min of his views on the ME & larger West Asia , N Africa region on which he's an expert besides having served a lifetime there & should've confined his views to .
 
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Defence Secretary & Saudi Arabia’s Deputy Minister of Defence for Strategic Affairs discuss ways to enhance bilateral defence cooperation
5th India – Saudi Arabia Joint Committee on Defence Cooperation held in New Delhi​

Saudi Arabia’s Deputy Minister of Defence for Strategic Affairs Mr Ahmed A Aseeri called on Defence Secretary Dr Ajay Kumar in New Delhi on June 30, 2022. They discussed ways to enhance defence cooperation between the two countries. The Deputy Minister briefed the Defence Secretary about the 5th meeting of India – Saudi Arabia Joint Committee on Defence Cooperation (JCDC) that was held on June 29, 2022.

The JCDC meeting was co-chaired by Joint Secretary (Armed Forces) Shri Dinesh Kumar and Mr Ahmed A Aseeri. During the meeting, the two sides reviewed the progress made in military-to-military engagements, including joint exercises, expert exchanges and industry cooperation. It was decided to identify new avenues and examine areas of mutual interest for Joint Venture in order to enhance defence industry cooperation. Enhancing the scope and complexities of the existing joint naval exercises and expanding bilateral exercises in other domains were also discussed.

It was agreed to hold the next meeting of JCDC in Saudi Arabia on mutually convenient dates in 2023. The JCDC is the apex body between the Defence Ministries of India and Saudi Arabia to comprehensively review & guide all aspects of bilateral defence cooperation.

The Deputy Minister also interacted with the Chief of Integrated Defence Staff to the Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee (CISC). A Defence Industry interaction was also organised for the delegation in which a number of Indian defence industries participated.
 

India, Saudi Arabia, and the Indo-Abrahamic Plus​

Global geopolitics is witnessing multiple events: from the pandemic, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the ongoing war in Ukraine to the growing tensions over Taiwan. The rise of the Indo-Abrahamic block is gradually solidifying the creation of a West Asian system, establishing a balance of power against the region’s dynamic independent powers, Iran and Turkey, and stabilising the region in an era of great power competition. Against this backdrop, India and Saudi Arabia have begun to increasingly look like natural strategic and economic partners, with many growing convergences. The leadership in both countries in recent years appears determined to establish a solid partnership for mutual gains. This is clear from the significantly transformed state engagement between New Delhi and Riyadh, including the establishment of a high-level Strategic Partnership Council, the interest in increasing investment linkages in addition to already high levels of trade, and a flurry of senior-level engagement with their respective army commanders to deepen bilateral defence cooperation.

Geoeconomics-first diplomacy

Traditionally, the complementarity of the Indian and Saudi economies has been clear. The kingdom is a key supplier of hydrocarbons—supplying 18 percent and 30 percent of India’s crude oil and LPG requirements respectively—to India, whilst the world’s second-most populous country is a major exporter of labour to Saudi Arabia, with over 2.6 million Indians working in Saudi Arabia, and over the US $8 billion flowing in as remittances annually. The bilateral trade relationship of US $42.68 billion in FY21/22 has expanded to make Saudi Arabia India’s fourth-largest trade partner whilst India is now Saudi Arabia’s second-largest trade partner.

India and Saudi Arabia have begun to increasingly look like natural strategic and economic partners, with many growing convergences.


However, the real promise in building up the economic relationship lies not in the realm of trade, but investments. Whilst the much-touted US $15 billion transactions by Saudi state oil giant Aramco to purchase a 20-percent stake in the Indian conglomerate Reliance Industries Limited’s oil-to-chemicals business was called off in November 2021 and its involvement in the US $44-billion Ratnagiri integrated refinery and petrochemicals complex project stalled in 2019, there is still no change to the very significant unlocked opportunities that emanate from the natural complementarity between the two largest economies in West Asia and South Asia. Riyadh is keen to diversify its assets both across industries and geographies, and New Delhi is desirous of greater foreign investment to continue its march as the world’s fastest-growing major economy. Both economies have now acquired significant weight, with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forecasting nominal GDP of US$1.04 trillion for Saudi Arabia and US $3.53 trillion for India in 2022.

The Saudi sovereign Public Investment Fund (PIF) has proceeded to enter fast-growing sectors of the Indian economy with investments of US $1.5 billion in Reliance’s Jio and US $1.3billion in Reliance Retail Ventures Limited in 2020. These are not one-sided flows; media reports a few months ago indicated that one of the largest conglomerates in India, the Adani Group, is exploring the possibility of investing in PIF via a tie-up or an asset swap deal, or perhaps even by buying a multi-billion dollar stake. Links between big business in India and Saudi Arabia are increasing, with India’s other major conglomerate Reliance recently appointing Aramco’s Chairman (and PIF Governor), Yasir Al-Rumayyan, to its board. Recent domestic political events in the Indian state of Maharashtra with the return of the BJP may also see a return of the stalled Ratnagiri project.

The increased interest of PIF and Aramco in India is not random but part of a larger strategic plan, as outlined in Saudi Arabia’s ‘Vision 2030’. The document outlines ambitions for Aramco to transform from an oil company to become a ‘global industrial conglomerate’ and for PIF to become ‘the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund’. PIF has current assets under management (AUM) of approximately US $400 billion (SAR 1,500 billion), with ambitious targets of increasing AUM to US $1 trillion by 2025 and US $2 trillion by 2030. Naturally, a significant portion of the future growth of both Aramco and PIF will require much closer coordination with Asia’s third-largest economy, on track to becoming the continent’s second-largest economy by 2030. The increasing intertwining of the Indian and Saudi economies in the coming years will be an important component of the emerging bilateral partnership.

Links between big business in India and Saudi Arabia are increasing, with India’s other major conglomerate Reliance recently appointing Aramco’s Chairman (and PIF Governor), Yasir Al-Rumayyan, to its board.


Vision 2030 also identifies India as one of the eight countries chosen for a ‘strategic partnership’. The strategic arena offers even more potential for growth for the two countries than the economic realm, given its historically low base. In October 2019, Saudi Arabia and India announced the establishment of a Strategic Partnership Council which would meet regularly involving ‘the leadership at the highest level in both countries to discuss new avenues like defence, security, counterterrorism, energy security, and renewable energy. As meetings between the two sides have intensified, the fields of defence and security have emerged as ‘higher priorities’ in the bilateral relationship, with both sides interested in expanding military-to-military engagements, including joint exercises, expert exchanges, and industry cooperation to enhance overall bilateral defence cooperation. It has been nothing short of a remarkable turnaround from previous decades when Saudi Arabia was seen as a ‘strong supporter’ of Pakistani military action against India. India’s continued strategic and economic rise, coupled with Pakistan’s continuing issues around domestic political and economic crises, has resulted in a change in Saudi Arabia’s approach toward South Asia.

The Indo-Abrahamic Plus

Coined in an essay by one of the authors, the concept of the Indo-Abrahamic refers to the growing convergence of strategic interests between India, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) (and including Saudi Arabia and Egypt), one that would ultimately lead to the emergence of a new geostrategic coalition between them. “For a long time, India, Israel, and the UAE have maintained transactional relations. However, last year’s normalisation agreements between Israel and several Arab states, including the UAE, as well as Turkey’s bid to reassert its position as the leader of a Muslim order and the UAE’s growing distance from Pakistan, have resulted in the formation of an unlikely and unprecedented ‘Indo-Abrahamic’ alliance’. This emerging multilateral alliance can reshape the region’s geopolitics and geoeconomics by filling the gap left by the United States in the Middle East.” The author also argued that “Another critical challenge for the Indo-Abrahamic alliance is where Saudi Arabia, the heartland of Islam and the biggest Arab economy stands about the emerging geopolitical bloc. Riyadh has nurtured good relations with Tel Aviv and New Delhi and may look to this grouping as a strategic opportunity in the long run.” Saudi Arabia is a critical pillar of the envisioned Indo-Abrahamic framework because of its centrality to the Arabian Gulf’s geopolitics, demography, unparalleled sway over the Muslim world, economic power, and influence over the global energy market, which correlates with the global economic growth. Saudi Arabia’s inclusion in the Indo-Abrahamic framework partially relies on possible normalisation between Riyadh and Tel Aviv, which is becoming a matter of when rather than if.

Riyadh has nurtured good relations with Tel Aviv and New Delhi and may look to this grouping as a strategic opportunity in the long run.

The Indo-Abrahamic framework

The Indo-Abrahamic framework syncs well with Saudi Arabia’s strategic ambitions to leverage its ‘unique strategic location’ to transform into a global hub between Asia, Europe, and Africa in Vision 2030. The kingdom sees itself as being ‘at the heart of the Arab and Islamic worlds’. These goals are not simply ideological and in the abstract—Saudi Arabia desires to become a ‘global investment powerhouse’, diversifying away from oil revenues to becoming a more diversified and competitive economy. India and its vast requirements for investment, particularly in infrastructure, provide Saudi Arabia with the ideal opportunity to meet its economic goals. PIF’s current direct investments of US $2.8 billion in two Indian companies is a very small fraction of its total AUM of approximately US$120 billion that is invested outside the kingdom. The kingdom has also embarked on a transformation of its tourism sector on an unprecedented scale. Whilst much attention has been given to the US $500 billion Neom ‘mega city’ on the Red Sea, Saudi Arabia has a much larger plan that will alter how locals and foreigners alike will view travelling, working, and living in the country.

Whilst much has been made about India’s attention towards the Indo-Pacific, the South Asian country has also looked to include West Asia as part of its ‘extended neighbourhood’. Indian political leaders have significantly increased their travel to the region—India’s PM Modi recently travelled to Abu Dhabi to offer condolences over the death of the UAE’s former President Khalifa bin Zayed and to congratulate Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed on his election as the new President of the UAE in June. Indian strategic elites have begun seeing the strong promise in the relationship—C. Raja Mohan, a leading Indian intellectual and foreign policy thinker, believes that ‘India has a huge stake in the successful economic and social modernization of Saudi Arabia’ and can benefit from the transformative reforms being pursued by the kingdom.

PIF’s current direct investments of US $2.8 billion in two Indian companies is a very small fraction of its total AUM of approximately US$120 billion that is invested outside the kingdom.


India presents itself as a solid strategic and economic partner to Saudi Arabia, as Riyadh seeks strategic autonomy and establishes itself as a global middle power. Both India and Saudi Arabia are also beginning to see that they have natural strategic convergences—wary of the rise of independent powers such as Turkey and Iran whose goal is to alter the current geopolitical lines in West Asia and seek more influence during this era of global disorder and great power competition. The alignment of Saudi Arabia and India under the Indo-Abrahamic framework is critical to the development of a West Asian system that ensures long-term peace and stability. The spiritual homelands of Islam and Hinduism have a lot of untapped potential across bilateral areas of trade and investment, immigration and culture, technology and finance, defence and maritime security, and have scope to engage in deeper coordination on regional and global agenda-setting. As the global disorder looks set to continue in the years ahead, middle and regional powers like Saudi Arabia and India look set to play a greater role in determining their destinies and their regions.
 

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar embarks on a visit to Saudi Arabia​

External Affairs Minister Dr. S Jaishankar embarks on a three-day visit to Saudi Arabia starting today, with a focus on accelerating the existing ties with its West Asian ally.

In reflection of their strategic ties, the high level visit will deliberate upon issues of mutual interest between the two nations and constructive cooperation in international forums (UN, G20 and GCC), apart from intensification in the existing bilateral relations.

Elaborating on the details of the EAM’s visit to Saudi Arabia, the Ministry of External Affairs said,“External Affairs Minister, Dr. S Jaishankar, will pay an official visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on 10-12 September 2022. This will be his first visit to the Kingdom as External Affairs Minister of India.”

During the visit, EAM Dr. S Jaishankar along with his Saudi Counterpart, Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud will also co-chair the inaugural Ministerial Meeting of the Committee on Political, Security, Social and Cultural Cooperation earlier formed under the aegis of the India-Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership Council.

It is pertinent to note that India and Saudi Arabia signed the Strategic Partnership Council (SPC) Agreement earlier in 2019, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Riyadh. Under the said agreement, a high-level council was established to further steer the already robust India-Saudi ties.

According to the MEA, during the visit, the top leadership will also undertake a comprehensive review of the entire bilateral relationship and will discuss the progress under the four Joint Working Groups of the PSSC Committee, namely i) Political and Consular, ii) Legal & Security, iii) Social & Cultural and iv) Joint Committee on Defence Cooperation.

Another significant aspect of EAM Dr. S Jaishankar’s visit to Saudi Arabia would be his interaction with the strong Indian Community there. Notably, Saudi Arabia has over (approx.) 2.2 million Indian Community and is being hailed for its contribution in strengthening the bilateral ties between the two allies.

During the visit, EAM Dr. S Jaishankar is scheduled to meet other Saudi Dignitaries and would also call on Secretary General of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Dr. Nayef Falah Mubarak Al- Hajraf. It is pertinent to note that there has been a regular exchange of high-level interaction between the two nations, imparting momentum to the ties.

India-Saudi Arabia relations​

India-Saudi Arabia have witnessed a qualitative shift in their bilateral ties in recent years. The camaraderie between the two evolved into a multi-faceted and mutually beneficial strategic partnership encompassing several areas of engagement, including political, security, energy, trade, investment, health, food security, cultural and defence fields.

Apart from the strategic relations, bilateral trade has also been increased significantly between the two nations. According to the data available, bilateral trade was valued at US$29.28 billion (including imports at US$22.65 billion and exports at US$6.63 billion) as of FY22 (Apr-Dec). Also, both countries have displayed the highest level of synergies amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.

Now, with India and Saudi Arabia focused on widening the scope of bilateral engagement, in tandem with Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and India’s ambitious plans of becoming a $5 trillion economy, both the countries open limitless possibilities of cooperation in various sectors to each other.
 

India’s strides in the Gulf​

On July 10, this newspaper published a report (‘AMU seeks Centre’s nod to confer degree on Saudi prince Mohammad Bin Salman’, IE) about the Aligarh Muslim University’s (AMU) proposal to confer an honorary Doctor of Letters (D.Litt) degree on the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammad Bin Salman for his exemplary services to global affairs, and to augment India’s efforts to forge deeper links with the Gulf region.

A few weeks ago, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his first overseas visit after completing eight years in office, visited the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to offer condolences on the demise of Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the former UAE President.

Earlier, speaking at the centenary celebrations programme of AMU in December 2020, PM Modi exhorted the AMU community to further invigorate India’s relations with the Islamic world. He said, “In the last 100 years, AMU has worked to strengthen India’s relations with many countries of the world. The research done here on Urdu, Arabic and Persian languages, on Islamic literature, gives new energy to India’s cultural relations with the entire Islamic world.”

These developments have prompted me to analyse India’s blossoming relations with countries of the Gulf region through a contemporary lens, and review AMU’s role in strengthening India’s links with the region.

PM Modi has surpassed all his predecessors in investing more energy and resources in cultivating ties with the Gulf countries. His efforts stand out on five counts. First, he has put his personal imprint on efforts to improve relations with the region through more than a dozen visits so far.

Second, by substantially expanding India’s canvas of engagement — from simple trade-economic-energy relations to strategic relations in the spheres of space technology, defence, counter-terrorism and cyber-security — India’s stake in the security and stability of the region has risen.

Third is the cultivation of relationships within the region across binaries vis-à-vis Israel. A testament to this is that while India’s ties with Israel have been on the ascent, PM Modi became the first Indian PM to visit Palestine and receive its highest civilian award in recognition of his “contribution to promote relations between India and Palestine”. Fourth, with the void created by the gradual downsizing of the role of the US in the region, India, for the first time, is being seen as a credible player with a role in the promotion of regional peace and security in the region.

The statement of the Prime Minister of Palestine in November 2021, seeking India’s “well-established and distinguished” role in the region, demonstrates this. For a Muslim minority India to be seen as an effective interlocutor in a conservative Muslim region heralds a transformation in the outlook of these countries towards India. Fifth, India’s greater impetus to viewing the Gulf countries as its “maritime neighbours”, has led to the recasting of India’s neighbourhood policy in two ways — “sea” is as important a variable as “land” in as much as “shared values” are as important as “geographical proximity” for a neighbour.

Historically, the AMU has played an important role in augmenting India’s quest for fostering closer ties with the Arab and Islamic world. The extensive network of AMU alumni in every Gulf country, especially in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, has over the years successfully leveraged AMU’s “soft power dividend” in bolstering people-to-people contact. In 2018, when I visited Jubail in Saudi Arabia for an alumni meet, a Saudi national who had graduated from AMU pleasantly surprised me by saying that she intended to name her child “Aligarh” out of affection for AMU.

The prominence and goodwill of AMU has been duly recognised by the political leadership of the Arab and Islamic world. In 1975, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the first President and founder of the UAE, on his presidential visit to India visited AMU and gave a generous grant for establishing the department of petroleum studies in the university. Over the years, AMU has conferred honorary D.Litt degrees on King Saud bin Abdulaziz (King of Saudi Arabia) in 1955, Obaid bin Saif Al-Nasseri (UAE Petroleum Minister) in 1999, Reza Shah Pahlavi (Shah of Iran) in 1956 and Gamal Abdel Nasser (President of Egypt) in 1960, besides heads of states from Malaysia, the Maldives, Afghanistan, Mauritius, Nigeria, Morocco and Sudan.

Internationalisation of education is a key goal of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, as affirmed in the recently concluded Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Samagam. AMU will strive to play a key role by exploring collaborations with the institutions of the Gulf countries in the frontier areas of innovation, start-ups and entrepreneurship, besides in the classical languages of Urdu, Arabic, Persian and Hindi. The strong Indian diaspora in the Gulf is uniquely placed to vigorously promote Indian higher education institutions in the Gulf as part of the internationalisation of education under NEP.

For its trans-national significance, AMU is recognised as an Institution of National Importance under the Constitution of India. AMU remains committed to strengthening the efforts of PM Modi as India strides forward in the Arab-Gulf world.
 

India donates $2.5 million to support education, healthcare of Palestinian refugees​

India presented a cheque of $2.5 million, the second tranche of the pledged $5 million annual support, to a UN agency on Monday that will go directly to serve the schools, health centres and other basic services run by the organisation to support Palestinian refugees.
India has given $22.5 million to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) since 2018. UNRWA is a UN agency that supports the relief and human development of Palestinian refugees.

"The Government of India presented $2.5 million (second tranche of a total contribution of $5 million for the Financial Year 2022-2023) to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), in support of the Agency’s core programmes and services, including education, healthcare, relief and social services," the Representative Office of India (ROI) in Ramallah said in a statement.
"The financial contribution was presented to Ms. Xuran Wu, Associate Donor Relations and Projects Officer, Department of External Relations, UNRWA at the Representative Office of India in Ramallah, Palestine," it added.

During an Extraordinary Virtual Ministerial Pledging Conference for UNRWA held on June 23, 2020, Minister of State for External Affairs V. Muraleedharan announced that India will contribute $10 million US to UNRWA over the next two years.

UNRWA is facing increased demand for services resulting from a growth in the number of registered Palestine refugees, the extent of their vulnerability and their deepening poverty.

It is a United Nations agency established by the General Assembly in 1949 and mandated to provide assistance and protection to some 5.6 million Palestine refugees registered with UNRWA across its five fields of operation.

Its mission is to help Palestine refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip achieve their full human development potential, pending a just and lasting solution to their plight.

UNRWA services encompass education, health care, relief and social services, camp infrastructure and improvement, protection, and microfinance among Palestinian refugees.

During the first-ever Prime Ministerial visit to Palestine by Narendra Modi in February 2018, India increased its annual financial contribution fourfold to the UNRWA core budget, from $1.25 million to $5 million.

India has also made a strong appeal to other traditional donors of UNRWA to consider enhancing their contributions as well as to non-donor member states to consider contributing to the agency in solidarity with the Palestine refugees.

UNRWA has expressed its gratitude to the Government of India for its "unwavering support" in aiding the efforts of the agency in supporting the overall human development of the distressed population during "the most challenging times".
"This latest contribution from India brings the overall funding to UNRWA to $5 million this year alone. UNRWA is very grateful to India’s unwavering support to our work for Palestine refugees," Karim Amer, Director of Partnerships at UNRWA, told PTI.

"India has been over the years a committed donor to our work across the region especially during the most challenging of times," he said.
Other officials at the agency told PTI that India "made good on its commitment" even during the pandemic when the agency went through immense difficulties in keeping its services running.