Mbrl is a massive escalation
Are they planning to poison him?
India - Pakistan Standoff 2019
- Thread starter nair
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no it means :
Either he got hurt in the attack
OR
The guy is lying.. He was repeating it too many times and was blinking his eye way too much. He has no poker face.
Mosharraf Zaidi
February 27, 2019
Who stands for our sovereignty?
Over 40 Indian soldiers of the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) were killed on February 14 in Pulwama, Occupied Kashmir in a car bombing that shook India, the wider region, and global affairs for India and Pakistan, to their core.
The initial casualties of the Pulwama attack were Indian soldiers. This is part and parcel of the dynamic between a brutal occupying force of a hegemonic and unhinged regional power, namely India, and the brave and fearless Kashmiri people, who have suffered a 70-year occupation with unmatched dignity and integrity.
Pakistan’s official reaction to the Pulwama attack has been very measured and should be welcomed. Prime Minister Imran Khan repeated his core mission in the region, one that he has repeated several times, of seeking détente and peace with India. He also warned India of retaliation if Pakistan was provoked. The official armed forces spokesperson also gave an impassioned presentation about option 1 and option 1A for Pakistan: which is peace, and more peace. But he also elaborated on Pakistan’s quest for peace, whilst being prepared for war. Pakistani diplomats, and especially Pakistan’s two brilliant daughters – Dr Maleeha Lodhi at the UN in New York and Tehmina Janjua at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Islamabad – engaged Pakistan’s bilateral partners and friends and explained the position of the pro-peace government of Pakistan.
Despite all these measures, while India counts its dead, it is also important to take stock of the damage that the Pulwama attack has inflicted on the Pakistani side. The aftermath of the Pulwama attack exposes three realities about Pakistan that need to be accounted for in the short, medium and long term thinking of the military leadership through the army’s Corps Commanders Conference, the intelligence community through rank and file officers of the ISI, and to a lesser extent, the inner circle of Prime Minister Imran Khan, and BPS 20 and below officers of the foreign service. What are these three realities?
The first reality is the damage that has been done to the Kashmir cause. India has successfully cobranded the Kashmiri struggle for self determination with the UNSC Resolution 1267 listed Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) (and their derivatives such as Jamaat ud Dawa (JuD), and Falah e Insaniyat Foundation (FIF)). Unlike three decades ago, Kashmir today does not enjoy any significant salience in the wider Muslim world outside of Pakistan.
The second reality that Pulwama reminds us of is the vulnerability of Pakistan to a punitive international system. In the voice and visibility of proscribed and listed organisations like LeT and JeM, members of the international community have an easy and readily available instrument with which they can curry favour with India, or equally, with which they can punish Pakistan for grievances they may hold against this country. This vulnerability is especially pronounced because Pakistan – which has just completed its latest round of funding its fiscal deficit through foreign funding – does not enjoy fiscal sovereignty. Sanctions regimes, the Financial Action Task Force and even IMF negotiations are all much more menacing and toxic for Pakistan, because of our failure at managing and muting banned organisations like the LeT and JeM.
The third reality that Pulwama has exposed is that the spectre of non-state actors (notwithstanding whether the world’s accusations are true or not) has fundamentally altered the strategic space that Pakistan operates in, and has damaged the concept of Pakistani territorial sovereignty. Non-state actors that are deemed malignant by the international community are part and parcel of the burden that Pakistani diplomats must bear in every international forum. Adversarial actors such as India, and at times the US, have successfully used accusations of Pakistani safe havens for these kinds of groups to cross Pakistan’s red lines, with little reaction from us. These accusations are rooted in the freedom that members of these groups enjoy to make speeches, and in one case, to build political parties and participate in elections.
In 2011, the US breached these red lines twice. Once in May 2011 in pursuit of Osama Bin Laden in Abbottabad, and then again at the border with Afghanistan at the Salala post, in a brazen attack on Pakistani soldiers that has, to this day been neither investigated properly by Pakistan nor accounted for adequately by the US. In neither case we were able to mount a credible response.
In 2016, after the Uri attack in Occupied Kashmir, India claimed to have conducted ‘surgical strikes’ inside Pakistani territory. And yesterday, after Pulwama, India once again breached these red lines, and flew Mirage 2000 fighter jets into Pakistani territory, dropping payload in the skies above Balakot.
Once adversaries identify their targets as being capable of taking a hit without retaliating, the outer perimeter of acceptable provocative behavior changes. The space to operate and response to future attacks shrinks. Pakistan has established precedence of being able to absorb the attacks of friends (like the US) and enemies (like India). Future breaches of Pakistan’s red line therefore have less fear of retaliation associated with them. This was the view of experts in the immediate aftermath of the OBL raid by the US. In the skies above Muzaffarabad and Balakot, with ordinary Pakistanis bravely looking up to stare down India’s military hardware, that view came to fruition.
The solution to these three realities is not a military retaliation to India’s brazen act of aggression and provocation. India is a nation of unparalleled potential, but its size and economic clout has instigated rogue, hegemonic behaviour, made worse by religious extremists having successfully brainwashed hundreds of millions of their countrymen into an existential right-wing frenzy – perhaps because the Indian elite knows that it cannot live up to the fiction of India as a true global power that serves its poorest and most vulnerable people. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, already on the ropes in what promised to be a close election, needed an intervention. The Pulwama attack provided the opening. Any escalation of military action between Pakistan and India will only serve to whet the appetite of PM Modi’s war-mongering inner circle.
Perhaps more importantly, Pakistan is in the midst of trying to avoid devastating further reductions in public expenditure – mainly by borrowing money from countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE and China – none of whom is interested in either Kashmir or Pakistani masculinity – and all of whom are invested in Pakistan’s economic potential. Can such a Pakistan afford any war at all, no matter how limited? Absolutely not.
The truth is that Pakistan’s incredible soldiers, spies and policemen and women have already fought India and won. The war on the TTP and associated foreign funded terrorist groups is essentially over. Pakistan and its security establishment should be reaping the rewards of this victory (through economic growth and peacetime), not readying to deploy to forward positions once again.
Among the P5+1 countries, Germany, France, the US, the UK and Russia, may all support India when it comes to choosing between India’s narrative and the LeT, JeM or HQN. So too will China. No country on the planet will choose UNSC 1267 listed organisations over the world’s largest democracy – no matter how rotten and poisonous the fruit of that democracy may be.
The people of Kashmir are much braver and more inventive than any of the blanks that these organisations have been firing since 1998. The Kargil fiasco marked the end of the old world. Anyone that truly cares about the future of Kashmir, the legitimacy of its struggle, anyone that truly cares about Pakistani sovereignty, anyone that truly cares about Pakistani soldiers, their sacrifices, can only come to one conclusion. It is time to take away India’s alibis in Pakistan. It is time to end the visibility of banned organisations.
The writer is an analyst and commentator.
www.mosharrafzaidi.com
Who stands for our sovereignty?
IED Blast Tral.Thankfully, it happened before crossing of SF vehicle. 1 civilian injured
How strange. In a similar thread in Adobe acrobat someone claims that he knew the air Marshal and the none of his sons I join the armed forces.
I suggest that IN should be given free hand to do Boarding and search operations on ships headed towards Pakistan. This will create a fear in the minds of these shipping companies. All tankers headed towards Pakistan must be shooed away and told to stay off. At the same time, IAF must build pressure by shallow intrusions of Pak airspace to make them scamble their aircraft to ensure that PAF runs low on aviation fuel. Do it for 2-3 weeks more and then we will see the results.
More PAF flies, more it will run low on fuel and spares and they will reach same situation in which they were during Kargil war.
More PAF flies, more it will run low on fuel and spares and they will reach same situation in which they were during Kargil war.
Still hugging the western corridor. This is not the direct line from Isloo to Karachi at all:
Contrast with Indian side is pretty stark. Seems all main airports in Lahore etc are still closed.
Mosharraf Zaidi
February 27, 2019
Who stands for our sovereignty?
Over 40 Indian soldiers of the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) were killed on February 14 in Pulwama, Occupied Kashmir in a car bombing that shook India, the wider region, and global affairs for India and Pakistan, to their core.
The initial casualties of the Pulwama attack were Indian soldiers. This is part and parcel of the dynamic between a brutal occupying force of a hegemonic and unhinged regional power, namely India, and the brave and fearless Kashmiri people, who have suffered a 70-year occupation with unmatched dignity and integrity.
Pakistan’s official reaction to the Pulwama attack has been very measured and should be welcomed. Prime Minister Imran Khan repeated his core mission in the region, one that he has repeated several times, of seeking détente and peace with India. He also warned India of retaliation if Pakistan was provoked. The official armed forces spokesperson also gave an impassioned presentation about option 1 and option 1A for Pakistan: which is peace, and more peace. But he also elaborated on Pakistan’s quest for peace, whilst being prepared for war. Pakistani diplomats, and especially Pakistan’s two brilliant daughters – Dr Maleeha Lodhi at the UN in New York and Tehmina Janjua at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Islamabad – engaged Pakistan’s bilateral partners and friends and explained the position of the pro-peace government of Pakistan.
Despite all these measures, while India counts its dead, it is also important to take stock of the damage that the Pulwama attack has inflicted on the Pakistani side. The aftermath of the Pulwama attack exposes three realities about Pakistan that need to be accounted for in the short, medium and long term thinking of the military leadership through the army’s Corps Commanders Conference, the intelligence community through rank and file officers of the ISI, and to a lesser extent, the inner circle of Prime Minister Imran Khan, and BPS 20 and below officers of the foreign service. What are these three realities?
The first reality is the damage that has been done to the Kashmir cause. India has successfully cobranded the Kashmiri struggle for self determination with the UNSC Resolution 1267 listed Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) (and their derivatives such as Jamaat ud Dawa (JuD), and Falah e Insaniyat Foundation (FIF)). Unlike three decades ago, Kashmir today does not enjoy any significant salience in the wider Muslim world outside of Pakistan.
The second reality that Pulwama reminds us of is the vulnerability of Pakistan to a punitive international system. In the voice and visibility of proscribed and listed organisations like LeT and JeM, members of the international community have an easy and readily available instrument with which they can curry favour with India, or equally, with which they can punish Pakistan for grievances they may hold against this country. This vulnerability is especially pronounced because Pakistan – which has just completed its latest round of funding its fiscal deficit through foreign funding – does not enjoy fiscal sovereignty. Sanctions regimes, the Financial Action Task Force and even IMF negotiations are all much more menacing and toxic for Pakistan, because of our failure at managing and muting banned organisations like the LeT and JeM.
The third reality that Pulwama has exposed is that the spectre of non-state actors (notwithstanding whether the world’s accusations are true or not) has fundamentally altered the strategic space that Pakistan operates in, and has damaged the concept of Pakistani territorial sovereignty. Non-state actors that are deemed malignant by the international community are part and parcel of the burden that Pakistani diplomats must bear in every international forum. Adversarial actors such as India, and at times the US, have successfully used accusations of Pakistani safe havens for these kinds of groups to cross Pakistan’s red lines, with little reaction from us. These accusations are rooted in the freedom that members of these groups enjoy to make speeches, and in one case, to build political parties and participate in elections.
In 2011, the US breached these red lines twice. Once in May 2011 in pursuit of Osama Bin Laden in Abbottabad, and then again at the border with Afghanistan at the Salala post, in a brazen attack on Pakistani soldiers that has, to this day been neither investigated properly by Pakistan nor accounted for adequately by the US. In neither case we were able to mount a credible response.
In 2016, after the Uri attack in Occupied Kashmir, India claimed to have conducted ‘surgical strikes’ inside Pakistani territory. And yesterday, after Pulwama, India once again breached these red lines, and flew Mirage 2000 fighter jets into Pakistani territory, dropping payload in the skies above Balakot.
Once adversaries identify their targets as being capable of taking a hit without retaliating, the outer perimeter of acceptable provocative behavior changes. The space to operate and response to future attacks shrinks. Pakistan has established precedence of being able to absorb the attacks of friends (like the US) and enemies (like India). Future breaches of Pakistan’s red line therefore have less fear of retaliation associated with them. This was the view of experts in the immediate aftermath of the OBL raid by the US. In the skies above Muzaffarabad and Balakot, with ordinary Pakistanis bravely looking up to stare down India’s military hardware, that view came to fruition.
The solution to these three realities is not a military retaliation to India’s brazen act of aggression and provocation. India is a nation of unparalleled potential, but its size and economic clout has instigated rogue, hegemonic behaviour, made worse by religious extremists having successfully brainwashed hundreds of millions of their countrymen into an existential right-wing frenzy – perhaps because the Indian elite knows that it cannot live up to the fiction of India as a true global power that serves its poorest and most vulnerable people. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, already on the ropes in what promised to be a close election, needed an intervention. The Pulwama attack provided the opening. Any escalation of military action between Pakistan and India will only serve to whet the appetite of PM Modi’s war-mongering inner circle.
Perhaps more importantly, Pakistan is in the midst of trying to avoid devastating further reductions in public expenditure – mainly by borrowing money from countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE and China – none of whom is interested in either Kashmir or Pakistani masculinity – and all of whom are invested in Pakistan’s economic potential. Can such a Pakistan afford any war at all, no matter how limited? Absolutely not.
The truth is that Pakistan’s incredible soldiers, spies and policemen and women have already fought India and won. The war on the TTP and associated foreign funded terrorist groups is essentially over. Pakistan and its security establishment should be reaping the rewards of this victory (through economic growth and peacetime), not readying to deploy to forward positions once again.
Among the P5+1 countries, Germany, France, the US, the UK and Russia, may all support India when it comes to choosing between India’s narrative and the LeT, JeM or HQN. So too will China. No country on the planet will choose UNSC 1267 listed organisations over the world’s largest democracy – no matter how rotten and poisonous the fruit of that democracy may be.
The people of Kashmir are much braver and more inventive than any of the blanks that these organisations have been firing since 1998. The Kargil fiasco marked the end of the old world. Anyone that truly cares about the future of Kashmir, the legitimacy of its struggle, anyone that truly cares about Pakistani sovereignty, anyone that truly cares about Pakistani soldiers, their sacrifices, can only come to one conclusion. It is time to take away India’s alibis in Pakistan. It is time to end the visibility of banned organisations.
The writer is an analyst and commentator.
www.mosharrafzaidi.com
Who stands for our sovereignty?
I find one point remarkably consistent in all of present day Pakistan's narrative. That of the present BJP government being in the author's own words - "The solution to these three realities is not a military retaliation to India’s brazen act of aggression and provocation. India is a nation of unparalleled potential, but its size and economic clout has instigated rogue, hegemonic behaviour, made worse by religious extremists having successfully brainwashed hundreds of millions of their countrymen into an existential right-wing frenzy – perhaps because the Indian elite knows that it cannot live up to the fiction of India as a true global power that serves its poorest and most vulnerable people. "
This from a nation borne by a party - the ML which constantly harped on the differences between the two major communities and through words and deeds not only got themselves and their constituency a nation but also cleansed itself from the other with only the memory of having cohabited with the other remaining.
We can safely conclude today that that memory too has vanished without a trace. It had to be so. After all the generations that experienced partition and it's immediate aftermath are all either gone or are on their way out. To the remaining generations, what's left is only a nation full of their own co religionists of various poltico-ideological pursuasions - all of whom who have no memory of the other who occupied the same space a few decades ago that they now successfuly inhabit & consider their own exclusively with an emasculated disempowered minority.
It's one thing for an avowedly centrist party like say the Congress to view both the ML ( & it's ideological successors) & The RSS / BJP as two sides of a same coin but what can be said of an inheiritor & inhabitant of a thoroughly ideological state passing judgement on what's essentially the mirror image of their own self in their neighbouring country & that too restricted to only a section of the populace ?
The Pakistani elite thus have truly internalised their own right to live as they deem fit in their own land but have strangely not rid themselves of the seige phobia which prompted their forefathers into initiating what got them their country in the first place, in spite of inheiriting a thoroughly "cleansed " Country.
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Now that PAF usage of F-16 has been exposed,which against the contract with US(to be used only against Tellibunnies),do u think the US will stop spares to Pakistan?Or they will still get it from some Ummah birader and Turkey
Bhai sari baat chodh, Ladke ka dard dekh. Aakhon se aasoon shabd banke nikal rahe hain (I hpoe you understand hindi)
They were deployed immediately after the Pulwama strikes as per @vstol Jockey . Why're you so surprised?
WHAT !!!!
I demand Siddhu be jointly awarded the same.Lets pass a resolution here and now on this blog. All in favour of my resolution, please like my post. That'd be considered an endorsement.
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