Indian Political Discussion

The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) has initiated the process to appoint the chairperson and four members of the newly created Data Protection Board of India (DPBI), marking a significant step in operationalising the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023.

In a notification, the government said the DPBI has been constituted as an independent adjudicatory body responsible for enforcing India’s new data protection regime. The board will function as a “digital-by-design institution” tasked with investigating personal data breaches, handling cases of non-compliance and imposing monetary penalties under the law and the DPDP Rules, 2025.

The government is seeking applications for one chairperson position and four member posts. Candidates must be Indian citizens with at least a bachelor’s degree and a minimum of five years’ experience in fields including data governance, consumer protection laws, dispute resolution, information technology, digital economy, regulation or techno-regulation.

For the chairperson role, applicants must have held a position equivalent to Additional Secretary to the Government of India or senior leadership roles in reputed academic, policy, research or corporate institutions. Member-level applicants must have held positions equivalent to Joint Secretary rank or comparable leadership roles. At least one member is required to have expertise in law.


 
@Shan Since you were talking about RM. I thought maybe I should give you some potential good news. One Delhi based journalist has said the RM could leave his post to become the President after UP elections next year. He has also said three Union ministers could made Governors during the June-July cabinet reshuffle. Also according to him Piyush Goyal and one other minister (Ashwini Vaishnaw ?) will get promoted. I don't remember the second name. The journalist is usually reliable, but still I would take this with a grain of salt.​
 
  • Informative
Reactions: Shan

Oh so this is why now days no media coverage given to S Jaishanker since he is dealing with Russia and China and Iran at BRICS. Are they trying to get more Russian oil?
 
The MEA has long been stuck in the early 2000s. They've not been able to advise the GoI properly when it comes to issuing advisories on media coverage on a nation by nation basis. These folks are simply relying on old ideas and methodologies to navigate IR. The post below perhaps summarises it quite well:


Better to outsource PR it to coackroach youth of the nation on social media they will do better than these stupid IFS officers.
 
Update from Delhi Journalist. 8 Ministers will go or maybe even more.
2 names he gave:
  1. Dharmendra Pradhan
  2. Hardeep Singh Puri
Piyush Goyal and Bhupendra Yadav will get promotion.

New possible ministers:
  • Nitish Kumar
  • Jagdambika Pal
  • Raghav Chadha or someone else from Punjab
  • 1-2 people from UP
  • Ravi Shankar Prasad
  • Tejasvi Surya
 

The phrase defeats itself on inspection - none of its three words survive a basic audit.On "Free":- Her paper Dagsavisen is owned by Christian missionary groups - including Normisjon, descendant of the body that ran proselytisation schools among India's Santhal tribes for 134 years.- It survives on a massive annual state subsidy from the Norwegian government. Without the dole, the paper wouldn't be able to survive.On "Freest":- The World Press Freedom Index is a subjective survey of ~150 self-selected Western correspondents per country.- No audit of ownership, subsidy capture, or commercial bias.
 

Fertilizer doesn't trend. Not glamorous enough.But look at March-April 2026: West Asia in crisis, supply chains disrupted globally. India's domestic fertilizer production hit 62.37 lakh tonnes. Imports? Just 15.39 lakh — under 20% of total.Ten years ago, this would've been a genuine crisis. Now it's a footnote in a business daily.That gap between 'crisis' and 'footnote' is decades of boring capacity building. No moonshot announcements. Just plants running.
 
  • Like
Reactions: redpanda
😂


It seems when it comes to raising money and operating institutions, any university will do. Did a second take when I saw it was "The Hindu".

Edit: I had read their article and views when the scandal broke. Here is what one editor had tweeted out:

 
Last edited:
  • Like
Reactions: PhotonVish
😂


It seems when it comes to raising money and operating institutions, any university will do. Did a second take when I saw it was "The Hindu".

Edit: I had read their article and views when the scandal broke. Here is what one editor had tweeted out:
AI summit was not their first controversy. See history and controversies section.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Galgotias_University

It seems the family has a lot of companies
https://www.zaubacorp.com/SUNEEL-GALGOTIA-01104884

https://www.zaubacorp.com/PADMINI-GALGOTIA-01009520

https://www.zaubacorp.com/ARADHANA-GALGOTIA-03292529

Suneel on his blog claims the family started from a bookstore in the 1930s.
https://suneelgalgotia.wordpress.com/2018/04/10/the-life-of-suneel-galgotia/
Suneel Galgotia was born in a family that had a great love for books. They owned a small retail bookstore in Connaught Place, New Delhi in the 1930’s. This outlet was under the marquee of E.D. Galgotia and Sons.
 
  • Informative
Reactions: Shan

There is a phenomenon that every thoughtful Indian abroad has encountered and every honest Indian at home has privately acknowledged: that the same individual, the same genetic inheritance, the same cultural formation, performs differently depending on which institutional ecology contains them. The problem is not a lack of manufacturing capacity, technology adoption or the historical overdependence on software services. These are symptoms.

The underlying condition — the one that generates the symptoms — can be stated bluntly: small minds, big egos, shallow interests, and short horizons. The pathology is characterological, but its roots are institutional. The character it produces is not fixed. But it is, at present, the dominant output of India's social and institutional machinery, and has been for nearly eight decades of independent policymaking.

The evidence is not anecdotal. It is systemic and cumulative. Food adulteration, examined for decades with periodic horror and periodic amnesia. Cheating in competitive examinations, now operating at industrial scale, with coaching ecosystems built partly around facilitating rather than preventing it.

Research and development expenditure that has remained embarrassingly low as a share of GDP across every political dispensation in a country that congratulates itself on producing scientists. Infrastructure projects delayed by years and decades — not by technical complexity alone, but by the layered rent-seeking that attaches to every phase of execution. Electoral politics purchased outright through cash and liquor distribution, normalised to the point where its absence would seem remarkable. A web of compliance requirements at the state and municipal level that functions not as a regulation but as a licence for petty extortion. Buildings that collapse. Bridges that collapse. School premises that collapse. On the roads, a species of aggression that treats public space as the exclusive property of whoever is most dangerous. And at the granular level of daily civic life — manhole covers stolen for scrap, fans removed from railway compartments, the small continuous vandalism that signals an almost complete dissociation between private interest and public good.

Each of these, taken alone, admits of a proximate explanation. Taken together, they describe a civilisational orientation: a systematic preference for the immediate and personal over the deferred and collective, for the private gain extracted from public goods. The time horizon is compressed to the near term. The circle of moral concern is contracted to the family, the caste, the patronage network. The ego, deprived of the institutional rewards that come from genuine achievement, seeks compensation in positional assertion — the VIP culture, the protocol obsession, the inability to function without the markers of rank.
 

There is a phenomenon that every thoughtful Indian abroad has encountered and every honest Indian at home has privately acknowledged: that the same individual, the same genetic inheritance, the same cultural formation, performs differently depending on which institutional ecology contains them. The problem is not a lack of manufacturing capacity, technology adoption or the historical overdependence on software services. These are symptoms.

The underlying condition — the one that generates the symptoms — can be stated bluntly: small minds, big egos, shallow interests, and short horizons. The pathology is characterological, but its roots are institutional. The character it produces is not fixed. But it is, at present, the dominant output of India's social and institutional machinery, and has been for nearly eight decades of independent policymaking.

The evidence is not anecdotal. It is systemic and cumulative. Food adulteration, examined for decades with periodic horror and periodic amnesia. Cheating in competitive examinations, now operating at industrial scale, with coaching ecosystems built partly around facilitating rather than preventing it.

Research and development expenditure that has remained embarrassingly low as a share of GDP across every political dispensation in a country that congratulates itself on producing scientists. Infrastructure projects delayed by years and decades — not by technical complexity alone, but by the layered rent-seeking that attaches to every phase of execution. Electoral politics purchased outright through cash and liquor distribution, normalised to the point where its absence would seem remarkable. A web of compliance requirements at the state and municipal level that functions not as a regulation but as a licence for petty extortion. Buildings that collapse. Bridges that collapse. School premises that collapse. On the roads, a species of aggression that treats public space as the exclusive property of whoever is most dangerous. And at the granular level of daily civic life — manhole covers stolen for scrap, fans removed from railway compartments, the small continuous vandalism that signals an almost complete dissociation between private interest and public good.

Each of these, taken alone, admits of a proximate explanation. Taken together, they describe a civilisational orientation: a systematic preference for the immediate and personal over the deferred and collective, for the private gain extracted from public goods. The time horizon is compressed to the near term. The circle of moral concern is contracted to the family, the caste, the patronage network. The ego, deprived of the institutional rewards that come from genuine achievement, seeks compensation in positional assertion — the VIP culture, the protocol obsession, the inability to function without the markers of rank.
Very apt description👍
 
  • Like
Reactions: Shan