LOC Flare up: Related news and Discussions
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You don't understand.
I wasn't complaining about that; I wanted you to pay attention to there being CENTO, and what else there was. That will give you an immediate insight into American strategy then, and now.
Please look again. And my remark is relevant for your own argument.
In other words India must be the one failing them because India has no ideology and no base.Pakistan atleast has an ideology of Islamic republic. It's only the remark of supreme court that Hindutva is the essence of Constitution, PIL filed by Ram Jethmalani in early years.
I tried to engage you in the hope that you would curb your enthusiasm and flights of fancy. I can see the fallacy of giving random strangers the benefit of doubt . Most people including you take it as a compliment.
Do me a favour and stop quoting me . Quote @Infowarrior instead . One good turn deserves another .Engage with him.
Yes there was SEATO too. And Pakistan's presence in both cento and seato explains who were behind them, not arabs but americans.
Nonsense!
The Jinnah had Balochistan on the tip of knife and had asked the PN to be on standby near Gwadar, in case Balochis refuse to join.
India was a failed state by all standards and means till Hindutva movement started in 1975 (which resulted in emergency). Till 2004, Pakistani per capita GDP was better than India. It was only due to larger resources and some dharmic heritage of knowledge that India did have some advanced technology over Pakistan. If you didn't think that India was not a failed state, think again looking at statistics and facts. It is just that times changed
I am not too enthusiastic to quote you or encourage any buffoonery. I was just correcting the misinformation and sophistry so as to help other people better understand things and not get waylaid by one sided arguments. I am sure you have been taking it as a compliment of being acknowledged. I am not quoting you to respond to you but to respond to your sophistry and guide other readers
No doubt in that.
But you are seeing thing as one muslim block supporting eachother. Yes that has happened because India did not try to intervene because of '' no ideology'' factor.
Secularism means everything is valid which also means lots of contradiction in own policy.
Lol.
The British cheif of army staff of Pakistan army was as good as useless and refused to fight any war. He even refused to fight India in Kashmir and Jinnah had to send tribal hoards.
PN was barely able to sail out of Karachi harbor at the time, let alone attack the state of Gwadar.
No idea who tells you these fairytales.
Hi,
I am not an expert at Indian political situation and as you say, too many states may have a different effect on India.
Pakistan needs to chop up the larger provinces and make more small provinces.
As things stand now the federal government is literally bullied by provinces and has no say.
Now, having said whatever I said to confuse you, I'd like to agree with you. Again, using the Indian example as a stalking horse - sort of.
Smaller states are better states. When they split up Punjab, the Indian Punjab, into Punjab and Haryana, it made for two better administered states, with some degree of competition between them. Ditto ditto for Assam; it got split into a number of smaller units, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram. It isn't a coincidence that India faced insurgency in two and was attacked by the Chinese in another. Obviously it became easier to handle than earlier - most counter-insurgency is run by a tough-as-nails but rather brutal outfit called the Assam Rifles, and they don't need any further training in jungle warfare. The Indian Army actually set up its counter-insurgency and jungle warfare training centres in this area; you will recall that the Japanese, ferocious jungle-fighters, penetrated up to Imphal and Kohima during WWII. The best examples, however, are Bombay, that got split up into Gujarat and Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, divided into the new Chhatisgarh and the remainder still called MP, Bihar, into Jharkhand, essentially Chhota Nagpur and other tribal territories, and Bihar, and the most effective, UP, into UP and Uttarakhand. Last, very late, the people of Hyderabad kicked out the carpet-bagger Telugus from the coastal fringe, and got back most of the old Nizamate as Telangana.
This was the undoing of the linguistic reforms of 1956, that created huge states, and almost ungovernable monsters from the Hindi belt. One of them, UP, is still ungovernable.
So, what you're saying is probably partly right. Splitting these states had sometimes very good effects; sometimes, it backfired. Analysing that is another story.
?? Sure. But which did you have in mind, specifically? I am curious. Don't answer if you don't want to be lectured; it's OK to ignore this question.
Looks like someone was following you .
India gearing up for WW3 with NUKE MISSILE launch
The country’s Strategic Forces Command (SFC) test-fired the Agni-1 short-range ballistic missile at a target in the Bay of Bengal. on Tuesday.
A SFC spokesman said: “The trajectory of the trial was tracked by a battery of sophisticated riders, telemetry observation stations, elects-optic instruments and naval ships right from its launch till the missile hit the target with pinpoint accuracy.”
Named after the Vedic god of fire, the missile can carry a warhead as heavy as 5,500 pounds and travel 560 miles.
It comes just weeks after an earlier ICBM test that proved India could destroy targets in nearby China and Pakistan.
The dramatic test will likely be seen as a threat by hated-rival Pakistan.
Relations between the two countries have plummeted as both sides continue to push their claims on Kashmir.
It could also be seen as a direct warning to China, which has contested land in Bhutan, an ally of India.
Last month, Chinese troops advanced on Doklam – raising fears that Beijing was preparing a full-scale invasion.
Images showed concrete posts, seven helipads and several dozen armoured vehicles close to the point where the Indian Army and the People’s Liberation Army were locked in a 72-day confrontation last year.
India has said their troops will step in if it feels the Chinese Army is trying to disrupt the “status quo”.
Army chief General Bipin Rawat said: “The PLA soldiers are there in a part of the area, although not in the numbers that we them initially.
“They have carried out some infrastructure development which is mostly temporary in nature.
“But we are also there. So, in case they come, we will face them.”
Source : India gearing up for WW3 with NUKE MISSILE launch
In Pakistan, Long-Suffering Pashtuns Find Their Voice
Image
Demonstrators in Islamabad, Pakistan, last week. The police shooting of Naqeebullah Mehsud, an aspiring model, was “the tipping point” for ethnic Pashtuns angry about years of mistreatment by the state, a Pakistani newspaper editor said.CreditB.K. Bangash/Associated Press
By Mehreen Zahra-Malik
Feb. 6, 2018
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — At first, the killing last month of Naqeebullah Mehsud — an aspiring model shot by the police in Karachi who claimed afterward that he was a Taliban militant — seemed merely the latest in a long series of abuses carried out by the authorities against ethnic Pashtuns in Pakistan.
But Mr. Mehsud’s case has proved different. The 27-year-old’s killing, in what appears to have been a staged gun battle, has prompted a protest movement led by young Pashtuns from the tribal areas in the country’s northwest, where they have long been the targets of military operations, internal displacement, ethnic stereotyping and abductions by the security forces.
Last week, a social-media-savvy group of young Pashtuns organized a sit-in in Islamabad, the capital, promoting it with the hashtag #PashtunLongMarch. As of Tuesday, the demonstration’s sixth day, at least 5,000 Pashtuns from the tribal areas and other parts of the country had joined, and members of all major Pakistani political parties had declared their support.
“Certainly, this kind of organized struggle for Pashtun rights, reforms and resources has not been seen in years and years,” said Rahimullah Yusufzai, the Peshawar-based editor of The News, a Pakistani newspaper. “The people of the tribal areas have had pent-up feelings of resentment and anger at their treatment by the state for decades,” he added. “Naqeebullah’s killing was just the tipping point.”
The Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, which border Afghanistan, are governed under regulations dating from the era of British colonial rule. Pakistani courts and Parliament have no jurisdiction there; instead, they are ruled by a “political agent” appointed by the central government. Pashtuns and others living in the tribal areas have few rights and can be exiled, their homes and businesses razed, and members arrested en masse over minor transgressions.
After the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States, the tribal areas — particularly South Waziristan, where Mr. Mehsud was from, and North Waziristan — became a front line of the war on terrorism, as Al Qaeda and other groups took refuge there. Pashtuns in the tribal areas suffered both from militant attacks and from crackdowns by the army, and those who fled to other parts of Pakistan — like Karachi, in Mr. Mehsud’s case — say persecution followed them.
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“Thousands of young Pashtun boys have disappeared in the last decade and a half, picked up from their homes and universities and streets in the name of curbing militancy,” said Farhad Ali, the 24-year-old vice chairman of the Fata Youth Jirga, one of the organizations leading the Islamabad protests. “We want all these young men to be produced before a court of law and concrete evidence presented that they have committed any crime.”
“This is one of our major demands: Stop this stereotyping of Pashtuns as militants,” Mr. Ali said. “Stop imposing curfew in our areas every time there is any untoward event in another part of the country. Let us live in peace, please.”
The demonstrators, who have set up tents outside the National Press Club in Islamabad, are also demanding the arrest of Rao Anwar, a Karachi police commander who has been accused of killing Mr. Mehsud and who is now on the run.
They also say they want the army to clear land mines from the tribal areas, particularly the South Waziristan district. Mr. Ali said that since 2009, more than 35 people had been killed by land mines in South Waziristan.
Image
Mr. Mehsud, 27, was killed in what appears to have been a staged gun battle.CreditMehsud Family, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
“I wanted to do something with my life, I wanted to become someone, but look at me,” said Islam Zeb, from South Waziristan, who took part in the Islamabad protest. Mr. Zeb said he had been blinded in a land mine blast that cost his brother his hand.
“If a soldier is wounded in a land mine explosion, entire families are arrested, people disappear without a trace,” Mr. Zeb added.
The Pakistani Army’s media wing denied that the army had ever laid mines in the tribal areas, saying that militants had done so. But it said that the army would send 10 demining teams to South Waziristan immediately.
Other officials were also quick to assure the demonstrators that they had been heard. Tariq Fazal Chaudhry, a government minister who met with protest leaders, said the government fully supported their demands. But he declined to say when they would be met.
Manan Ahmed Asif, a professor of history at Columbia University, called the tribal areas “a geography outside the laws of the nation,” where both militant groups and the army had found that “violence could be meted out with little regard to its inhabitants.”
At least 70 percent of the region’s five million people live in poverty, the literacy rate is just 10 percent for women and 36 percent for men, and the infant mortality rate is the nation’s highest. For years, Pakistani militants have used the lawless area to initiate assaults against Pakistan’s government and against United States-led forces in Afghanistan.
Since 2001, the Pakistani military has launched 10 operations against militant strongholds in the region, most recently in 2013 in North Waziristan. The offensives have displaced almost two million people, according to figures from the United Nations refugee agency and the Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, as homes, schools and hospitals have been turned into hide-outs by militants and meager civic amenities have been destroyed.
The Pakistani Army says it is now spending millions to repatriate displaced people, rebuild infrastructure and earn residents’ good will. But many residents still view the soldiers as occupiers, and militants continue to pose a threat.
Parliament is considering a proposal to merge the war-torn and neglected tribal areas with the adjoining province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. That would allow the people in the tribal areas to become full citizens of Pakistan for the first time. But the plan has become a divisive issue among those favoring reform, with some political parties opposing a merger and calling for the tribal areas to become a separate province instead.
Simbal Khan, a security analyst and nonresident fellow at a think tank, the Center for International Strategic Studies, in Islamabad, said she was skeptical that the protests would lead to real change for Pashtuns.
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“All this movement you see, it is pre-election mobilization,” Ms. Khan said, referring to national elections scheduled for July.
“It doesn’t portend to become a genuine Pashtun uprising,” she added. “Political parties and other groups want to pick up issues that resonate with the public, and this march provides them a platform. This is just politicking.”
Image
Demonstrators in Islamabad, Pakistan, last week. The police shooting of Naqeebullah Mehsud, an aspiring model, was “the tipping point” for ethnic Pashtuns angry about years of mistreatment by the state, a Pakistani newspaper editor said.CreditB.K. Bangash/Associated Press
By Mehreen Zahra-Malik
Feb. 6, 2018
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — At first, the killing last month of Naqeebullah Mehsud — an aspiring model shot by the police in Karachi who claimed afterward that he was a Taliban militant — seemed merely the latest in a long series of abuses carried out by the authorities against ethnic Pashtuns in Pakistan.
But Mr. Mehsud’s case has proved different. The 27-year-old’s killing, in what appears to have been a staged gun battle, has prompted a protest movement led by young Pashtuns from the tribal areas in the country’s northwest, where they have long been the targets of military operations, internal displacement, ethnic stereotyping and abductions by the security forces.
Last week, a social-media-savvy group of young Pashtuns organized a sit-in in Islamabad, the capital, promoting it with the hashtag #PashtunLongMarch. As of Tuesday, the demonstration’s sixth day, at least 5,000 Pashtuns from the tribal areas and other parts of the country had joined, and members of all major Pakistani political parties had declared their support.
“Certainly, this kind of organized struggle for Pashtun rights, reforms and resources has not been seen in years and years,” said Rahimullah Yusufzai, the Peshawar-based editor of The News, a Pakistani newspaper. “The people of the tribal areas have had pent-up feelings of resentment and anger at their treatment by the state for decades,” he added. “Naqeebullah’s killing was just the tipping point.”
The Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, which border Afghanistan, are governed under regulations dating from the era of British colonial rule. Pakistani courts and Parliament have no jurisdiction there; instead, they are ruled by a “political agent” appointed by the central government. Pashtuns and others living in the tribal areas have few rights and can be exiled, their homes and businesses razed, and members arrested en masse over minor transgressions.
After the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States, the tribal areas — particularly South Waziristan, where Mr. Mehsud was from, and North Waziristan — became a front line of the war on terrorism, as Al Qaeda and other groups took refuge there. Pashtuns in the tribal areas suffered both from militant attacks and from crackdowns by the army, and those who fled to other parts of Pakistan — like Karachi, in Mr. Mehsud’s case — say persecution followed them.
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“Thousands of young Pashtun boys have disappeared in the last decade and a half, picked up from their homes and universities and streets in the name of curbing militancy,” said Farhad Ali, the 24-year-old vice chairman of the Fata Youth Jirga, one of the organizations leading the Islamabad protests. “We want all these young men to be produced before a court of law and concrete evidence presented that they have committed any crime.”
“This is one of our major demands: Stop this stereotyping of Pashtuns as militants,” Mr. Ali said. “Stop imposing curfew in our areas every time there is any untoward event in another part of the country. Let us live in peace, please.”
The demonstrators, who have set up tents outside the National Press Club in Islamabad, are also demanding the arrest of Rao Anwar, a Karachi police commander who has been accused of killing Mr. Mehsud and who is now on the run.
They also say they want the army to clear land mines from the tribal areas, particularly the South Waziristan district. Mr. Ali said that since 2009, more than 35 people had been killed by land mines in South Waziristan.
Image
Mr. Mehsud, 27, was killed in what appears to have been a staged gun battle.CreditMehsud Family, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
“I wanted to do something with my life, I wanted to become someone, but look at me,” said Islam Zeb, from South Waziristan, who took part in the Islamabad protest. Mr. Zeb said he had been blinded in a land mine blast that cost his brother his hand.
“If a soldier is wounded in a land mine explosion, entire families are arrested, people disappear without a trace,” Mr. Zeb added.
The Pakistani Army’s media wing denied that the army had ever laid mines in the tribal areas, saying that militants had done so. But it said that the army would send 10 demining teams to South Waziristan immediately.
Other officials were also quick to assure the demonstrators that they had been heard. Tariq Fazal Chaudhry, a government minister who met with protest leaders, said the government fully supported their demands. But he declined to say when they would be met.
Manan Ahmed Asif, a professor of history at Columbia University, called the tribal areas “a geography outside the laws of the nation,” where both militant groups and the army had found that “violence could be meted out with little regard to its inhabitants.”
At least 70 percent of the region’s five million people live in poverty, the literacy rate is just 10 percent for women and 36 percent for men, and the infant mortality rate is the nation’s highest. For years, Pakistani militants have used the lawless area to initiate assaults against Pakistan’s government and against United States-led forces in Afghanistan.
Since 2001, the Pakistani military has launched 10 operations against militant strongholds in the region, most recently in 2013 in North Waziristan. The offensives have displaced almost two million people, according to figures from the United Nations refugee agency and the Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, as homes, schools and hospitals have been turned into hide-outs by militants and meager civic amenities have been destroyed.
The Pakistani Army says it is now spending millions to repatriate displaced people, rebuild infrastructure and earn residents’ good will. But many residents still view the soldiers as occupiers, and militants continue to pose a threat.
Parliament is considering a proposal to merge the war-torn and neglected tribal areas with the adjoining province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. That would allow the people in the tribal areas to become full citizens of Pakistan for the first time. But the plan has become a divisive issue among those favoring reform, with some political parties opposing a merger and calling for the tribal areas to become a separate province instead.
Simbal Khan, a security analyst and nonresident fellow at a think tank, the Center for International Strategic Studies, in Islamabad, said she was skeptical that the protests would lead to real change for Pashtuns.
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“All this movement you see, it is pre-election mobilization,” Ms. Khan said, referring to national elections scheduled for July.
“It doesn’t portend to become a genuine Pashtun uprising,” she added. “Political parties and other groups want to pick up issues that resonate with the public, and this march provides them a platform. This is just politicking.”