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Fed govt vetoes Victoria-China BRI deal
The federal government has cancelled Victoria's "Belt and Road Initiative" infrastructure agreement with China, saying it is inconsistent with Australia's foreign policy goals.The Morrison government in December granted itself the ability under the Foreign Relations Act to torpedo deals between individual states and foreign powers, with states and territories obliged to audit any existing agreements.
The foreign minister can assess such arrangements to check if they align with Australia's foreign policy goals.
Foreign Minister Marise Payne on Wednesday evening said four agreements would be cancelled, two of which related to Victoria's Belt and Road deal.
The other two were related to scientific cooperation between Victoria and Syria, and educational cooperation between Victoria and Iran.
"I consider these four arrangements to be inconsistent with Australia's foreign policy or adverse to our foreign relations," Senator Payne said in a statement.
Victoria signed a memorandum of understanding in relation to the Chinese regional infrastructure initiative in 2018 and then signed a "framework agreement" with Beijing in 2019.
Areas of cooperation included increasing participation of Chinese companies in Victoria's infrastructure program and promoting cooperation of Victorian businesses in China.
It also allowed Victoria's engineering and design firms to bid for contracts for Belt and Road Initiative projects around the world.
Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews in December said cancelling the agreement would be a mistake, and would risk already-strained economic ties with China.
Mr Andrews said the deal promised to bring jobs and investment to Victoria and argued this should be a priority amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
A state government spokeswoman told AAP the Foreign Relations Act was a matter for the Commonwealth.
"The Victorian government will continue to work hard to deliver jobs, trade and economic opportunities for our state," she said in a statement on Wednesday.
Beijing has previously raised Canberra's foreign deal veto power as one of 14 grievances damaging to relations with Australia, and is likely to criticise Senator Payne's decision.
China has in the past 12 months launched a series of damaging trade strikes against Australia after Prime Minister Scott Morrison called for an independent inquiry into the origins of the coronavirus pandemic.
The Chinese government also remains furious with Australia over foreign interference and investment laws and the decision to ban Huawei from the country's 5G rollout.
Senior ministers have gone many months without contact from their Chinese counterparts.
The Belt and Road Initiative has also attracted criticism from some countries for creating unsustainable debt burdens for recipient states, in particular Pacific Island countries.
Fed govt vetoes Victoria-China BRI deal
The federal government has cancelled Victoria's "Belt and Road Initiative" infrastructure agreement with China, saying it is inconsistent with Australia's foreign policy goals.The Morrison government in December granted itself the ability under the Foreign Relations Act to torpedo deals between...
China’s Belt and Road plans losing momentum as opposition, debt mount: Study
China’s vast Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is in danger of losing momentum as opposition in targeted countries rises and debts mount, paving the way for rival schemes to squeeze Beijing out, a new study showed on Wednesday.President Xi Jinping launched BRI in 2013 to use China’s strengths in financing and infrastructure construction to “build a broad community of shared interests” throughout Asia, Africa and Latin America.
But Xi’s “project of the century” is now facing major challenges and significant backlashes abroad, according to a study by AidData, a research lab at the College of William and Mary in the United States.
“A growing number of policy makers in low- and middle-income countries are mothballing high profile BRI projects because of overpricing, corruption and debt sustainability concerns,” said Brad Parks, one of the study’s authors.
AidData said $11.58 billion in projects in Malaysia have been cancelled over 2013-2021, with nearly $1.5 billion cancelled in Kazakhstan and more than a $1 billion in Bolivia.
China’s foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Wednesday.
He Lingxiao, spokesperson for the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which is closely linked to the BRI, said “we believe the overarching principles of BRI are sound”.
“How these principles will be translated into operational reality is where we advocate for high international standards,” He said.
The AidData study looked at 13,427 Chinese-backed projects in 165 countries over 18 years, worth $843 billion in total, and noted that Beijing’s annual international development finance commitments are now double those of the United States.
But major changes in public sentiment made it difficult for participating countries to maintain close relations with Beijing, Parks said.
The study said an increasing number of China-backed projects have been suspended or cancelled since BRI’s 2013 launch, with evidence of “buyer’s remorse” in countries as far afield as Kazakhstan, Costa Rica and Cameroon.
Credit risks have also increased, with the exposure to Chinese debt now exceeding 10% of GDP in many low- and middle-income countries.
The survey found that 35% of Belt and Road projects were struggling with corruption, labour violations, environmental pollution and public protests.
In June this year, the United States announced a rival G7 initiative known as Build Back Better World (B3W) to provide financial support for developing nations to build infrastructure.
“B3W is going to increase choice in the infrastructure financing market, which could lead to some high-profile BRI defections,” Parks said.
AidData’s study received funding from a diverse group of private and public organizations, including the Ford Foundation and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). It said its research is independent and transparent and not guided or determined by its funders.
China’s Belt and Road plans losing momentum as opposition, debt mount: Study
President Xi Jinping launched BRI in 2013 to use China's strengths in financing and infrastructure construction to "build a broad community of shared interests" throughout Asia, Africa and Latin America.
indianexpress.com
One-third of China's Belt and Road projects facing major problems: Report
China is also using confidentiality clauses barring borrowers from revealing terms and conditions of the engagement or even the existence of the debt itself
www.livemint.com
The Belt and Road Initiative: A true win-win situation or a double win for China?
BRI has so far only contributed to the rise of GHGs and not to the GDP of the host countries. Is China accruing economic benefits while exporting carbon emissions to BRI nations?
This is the 125th article in the series – The China Chronicles.
As the second largest global economy, the most populous nation with a population exceeding 1.4 billion, the largest carbon emitter, and one of the fastest growing global economies, China’s climate action will have a decisive influence on bending the temperature curve to 1.5°C as required by the Paris Agreement. China emitted more than a quarter of the global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in 2019. The nation’s CO2 emissions hit a new record high of around 12 GtCO2 in the 12 months to March 2021.
Nevertheless, the updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) lack the ambition required to be demonstrated by China in the global fight against climate change. It appears that China has failed to put its best foot forward in marching against the biggest ever challenge facing the global collective. Amongst the highlights, China has committed to peaking its carbon emissions before 2030 and to attaining carbon neutrality by 2060. the effectiveness of these commitments in achieving compatibility with the goal of 1.5°C is not clear. The carbon-centric nature of these commitments while remaining silent on non-carbon GHG emissions is concerning.
But the primary objective here is to draw attention to the possibility that China is probably exporting its carbon emissions to the Belt and Road (BRI) nations. While BRI projects emit significant GHG emissions in the host nations for which these nations are held accountable, a sizeable portion of the economic gains entailing these projects are accrued by Chinese constituencies.
BRI, as an international infrastructure development initiative, is inherently carbon-intensive given that its primary focus has been on building conventional infrastructure vis-à-vis green infrastructure. Construction of highways, rail lines, power plants, ports, amongst others is essentially a resource and energy intensive exercise resulting in GHG emissions.
Despite championing renewables at home, the energy infrastructure dominating BRI projects is fossil-fuel based with more than 60 percent of the BRI-related energy financing from China Development Bank (CDB) and the Export-Import Bank of China (China EXIM) were channelled into non-renewable energy. In fact, between 2014 and 2017, fossil fuels accounted for 91 percent of energy-sector syndicated loans from six major Chinese banks to BRI countries. Instead of liquidating its coal sector assets as part of its green transition, China has instead transferred its old, dirty, least efficient coal technologies to the BRI nations.
China’s sunset industries such as copper and aluminium smelting, cement, papermaking, iron and steel, etc. which are being compelled to move out of the domestic geography due to excess industrial capacity and a violation of environmental norms, find a place in the BRI nations for their productive utilisation. China’s high-speed rail lines which reached saturation is yet another example as these industries are highly carbon-intensive.
The BRI is principally a debt financed venture with its primary lenders being the CDB and the China EXIM, and some state-owned commercial banks. While such loans do not have any conditionality of political or economic reform tied to them, they are not essentially development-oriented and are expected to yield a commercial return. This is evident in China’s reluctance to cancel debt even in the face of the worst humanitarian crisis unleashed by the COVID-19 pandemic and its relative affinity towards providing grace period for and rescheduling repayments, extending the maturity of debt and lines of credit.
BRI projects are largely awarded to Chinese firms proving hollow Beijing’s claim that such projects are open to universal bidding, and foreign partnerships. In fact, a survey of the contractors participating in the BRI initiatives revealed that 89 percent are of Chinese origin, 7.6 percent are local companies headquartered in the host nation where the project is undertaken and 3.4 percent are foreign companies, essentially non-Chinese, hailing from countries other than the one where the project is ongoing.
BRI ventures have been reported to hire Chinese workforce as opposed to local labour. China’s significant presence in the African continent is well-documented. About 182,000 Chinese were working in Africa by the end of 2019. About a million of the Chinese labour were officially hired in overseas employment as of 2019, with many others working unofficially. However, the composition, in terms of nationality, of the workforce on BRI projects is expected to vary by geography. A larger proportion of the Chinese workforce are likely to be employed by large-scale infrastructure projects executed by Chinese state-owned firms to cater to the domestic oversupply. Wherever local labour is hired, their working conditions have been reported to be pitiable. This is true of Chinese labour as well. In fact, preferring Chinese labour over local labour in certain regions may be due to their relative vulnerability.
The promise of BRI was to boost global GDP, reduce global trade costs, and transform the host nations into globally competitive economies by tackling their infrastructure and transformational bottlenecks. The promise was to accelerate economic growth in the BRI nations. Rather, BRI has triggered a debt crisis in the host nations by compounding their debt problems and making them untenable in nature. This situation has been further aggravated by the crisis unleashed by the pandemic. Where is the economic growth promised by the BRI? Such growth would have helped ease the debt problems confronting the nations participating in the BRI.
It appears that while the carbon-intensive BRI has spent the limited carbon budgets of the host nations, it has managed to seize the economic gains that have entailed these carbon emissions for which the host countries are held responsible. These carbon emissions are accounted as being an outcome of the host countries’ economic activities rather than that of China. The interest payments accruing to the BRI debt, profits made by executing BRI projects, the employment opportunities created by these projects and the incomes that follow from such employment are being appropriated by banks, firms, and workforce of Chinese origin. The quality of employment created by BRI projects is far from being decent, having missed a valuable opportunity to put carbon emissions to good use.
The host nations could have well very utilised their carbon budgets spent on BRI for creating economic growth, profits and decent work for their nationals, of course, with the right kind of assistance. The global community is to be partly blamed for not coming forward with the economic assistance required by the less developed BRI nations as a credible alternative to the Chinese model of assistance in the form of the BRI.
The global community must exert constructive pressure on China to reveal its carbon footprint in the BRI ventures. Since climate change is upon all, these less developed BRI nations will find themselves severely constrained to manage the trade-off between global warming and economic growth. China must be compelled to make BRI yield genuine development gains for the host nations while using their carbon budgets. China must also deliver on its promise on making BRI a ‘green’ initiative, which until now it has more or less evaded.
The Belt and Road Initiative: A true win-win situation or a double win for China? | ORF
As the second largest global economy, the most populous nation with a population exceeding 1.4 billion, the largest carbon emitter.
China-Pakistan Belt and Road Initiative hits buffers
ISLAMABAD -- In Gwadar, a developing port town in southwest Pakistan, Adam Qadir Baksh had been hoping for a major leap forward in his automobile spare parts business since 2015, but it has not happened in the absence of the vital Chinese tailwind once promised.
China-Pakistan Belt and Road Initiative hits buffers
Disagreements, terrorism and COVID-19 stymie CPEC projects
asia.nikkei.com
'Iron Brother' China Wants Payment for Power Plant, Threatens To Halt CPEC Funding To Pakistan - News18
The unpaid amount of Rs 12.35 billion needs to be cleared by March 24 to avoid any default under the agreement.
www.news18.com
