Take off your secular goggles and you will not only see it but also hear it. Secularism is very bad for ENT and cardio besides making you brain dead.
Indian Political Discussion
- Thread starter Parul
- Start date
@vstol J
it should be that "any one who created ritos/ruckus are arrested" - just because that means majority (or even all) belong to one community should be immaterial.
it is good to not mention "both community people are arrested".
it should be that "any one who created ritos/ruckus are arrested" - just because that means majority (or even all) belong to one community should be immaterial.
Looks liks MBS has realised that India is more important than pile of garbage Pakistan
Why Atal Bihari Vajpayee never spoke against Scindias of Gwalior
As the news of death of former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee broke on Thursday evening, Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia stopped his speech midway and converted the political rally into a condolence meeting at Gairatganj, 90km away from Bhopal.
Cancelling his tour and state election committee meeting at Bhopal, he rushed to New Delhi and paid tributes by prostrating himself before the departed leader. Scindia is titular head of the erstwhile Gwalior royal family and Vajapyee was born in Gwalior.
Vajpayee had always enjoyed good relations with the Scindias since his childhood days. The last ruler of Gwalior, Jiwajirao Scindia, personally adored him. When Rajmata Vijayaraje Scindia quit Congress in 1967 to form the first non-Congress Samyukta Vidhayak Dal (SVD) government in Madhya Pradesh, it was Vajpayee who brought her to the BJP (then Jansangh) fold. Rajmata was one of the important pillars of the right wing party during the days when it had limited resources.
Though Vajpayee was a native of Madhya Pradesh, he chose to make Uttar Pradesh his political arena. He fought his first Lok Sabha election in 1957 from Balrampur. He had been member of Lok Sabha 10 times but he represented Gwalior Lok Sabha just once between 1971 to 1977. He again took a plunge from Vidisha Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh in 1991 but quit in favour of Lucknow from where he had won simultaneously.
He handed over the reins of Vidisha to present Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, who happens to be the inheritor of 'Vajpayee style of politics' in the BJP. Rise of Chouhan in BJP politics is attributed to Vajpayee’s decision of vacating Vidisha seat. Chouhan represented Vidisha for five times in a row before becoming chief minister of MP in 2005.
In 1984, when BJP was reduced to two seats in the Parliament after death of then prime minister Indira Gandhi, Vajpayee contested from Gwalior. At the eleventh hour Madhavrao Scindia switched his seat from Guna and became a candidate from Gwalior. Vajpayee was taken aback as he never wanted to contest against anyone from the Scindia family. In his book titled Na Dainyam, Na Palayanam (a Geeta shloka which means neither will I beg nor quit) Vajpayee wrote that he was cornered under a dual strategy of certain political people who wanted him to get busy in Gwalior so that he could not campaign for others in rest of India.
Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia paying his last respects to Atal Bihari Vajpayee in New Delhi | ANI
In that election, Vajpayee fought very gracefully against Madhavrao Scindia (father of Jyotiraditya) Maharaja of Gwalior and lost only to garner more respect among masses. Vajpayee did not utter a single word which was disrespectful to the Scindia family. When people asked why he did not fight the election in same acrimonious way like his predecessors, he did not reply.
Later in his book, he wrote that his higher education in 1945 would not have been possible had the Scindia family not come forward to support him. He wrote “Jiwajirao Scindia, the Maharaja of Gwalior knew me since my school days. When the question of my higher education was looming large on the family, which was already burdened under the marriage of my two sisters, and limited resources due to retirement of father, the royal family sanctioned me monthly scholarship of Rs 75.”
With this scholarship support, Vajpyaee went to DAV college, Kanpur, for his law education. This turned into a big opportunity for Vajpayee where he came into contact with Arya Samaj and later joined the RSS. Vajpayee’s visit to Kanpur brought him close to several right-wing leaders and he later became editor of Rashtradharm where he worked closely with the BJP (then Jansangh) ideologue Deendayal Upadhyaya. After Rashtradharm he was made editor of Panchajanya—the mouthpiece of RSS. In 1952 when Jansangh was established by Shaymaprasad Mukherji, Vajpayee was affiliated with Deendayal Upadhyaya who was party’s general secretary.
Vajpayee always acknowledged the support of the Scindia family towards his personal life and party. When Rajmata Scindia and her son Madhavrao Scindia were embroiled in an ugly family feud, Vajpayee never meddled. The respect from Scindias to Vajpayee was unequivocal except for the 1984 elections when the two contested Lok Sabha polls against each other.
When Madhavrao Scindia died in a plane crash in September 2001, Vajpayee as prime minister wrote in the condolence book, "Lightning has fallen. Can fate be so cruel. My salute". He not only visited Gwalior for the cremation but deputed his senior most minister Arun Jaitley to accompany dead body of Scindia in an Air Force aircraft. He was given a state funeral.
Why Atal Bihari Vajpayee never spoke against Scindias of Gwalior
As the news of death of former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee broke on Thursday evening, Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia stopped his speech midway and converted the political rally into a condolence meeting at Gairatganj, 90km away from Bhopal.
Cancelling his tour and state election committee meeting at Bhopal, he rushed to New Delhi and paid tributes by prostrating himself before the departed leader. Scindia is titular head of the erstwhile Gwalior royal family and Vajapyee was born in Gwalior.
Vajpayee had always enjoyed good relations with the Scindias since his childhood days. The last ruler of Gwalior, Jiwajirao Scindia, personally adored him. When Rajmata Vijayaraje Scindia quit Congress in 1967 to form the first non-Congress Samyukta Vidhayak Dal (SVD) government in Madhya Pradesh, it was Vajpayee who brought her to the BJP (then Jansangh) fold. Rajmata was one of the important pillars of the right wing party during the days when it had limited resources.
Though Vajpayee was a native of Madhya Pradesh, he chose to make Uttar Pradesh his political arena. He fought his first Lok Sabha election in 1957 from Balrampur. He had been member of Lok Sabha 10 times but he represented Gwalior Lok Sabha just once between 1971 to 1977. He again took a plunge from Vidisha Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh in 1991 but quit in favour of Lucknow from where he had won simultaneously.
He handed over the reins of Vidisha to present Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, who happens to be the inheritor of 'Vajpayee style of politics' in the BJP. Rise of Chouhan in BJP politics is attributed to Vajpayee’s decision of vacating Vidisha seat. Chouhan represented Vidisha for five times in a row before becoming chief minister of MP in 2005.
In 1984, when BJP was reduced to two seats in the Parliament after death of then prime minister Indira Gandhi, Vajpayee contested from Gwalior. At the eleventh hour Madhavrao Scindia switched his seat from Guna and became a candidate from Gwalior. Vajpayee was taken aback as he never wanted to contest against anyone from the Scindia family. In his book titled Na Dainyam, Na Palayanam (a Geeta shloka which means neither will I beg nor quit) Vajpayee wrote that he was cornered under a dual strategy of certain political people who wanted him to get busy in Gwalior so that he could not campaign for others in rest of India.
In that election, Vajpayee fought very gracefully against Madhavrao Scindia (father of Jyotiraditya) Maharaja of Gwalior and lost only to garner more respect among masses. Vajpayee did not utter a single word which was disrespectful to the Scindia family. When people asked why he did not fight the election in same acrimonious way like his predecessors, he did not reply.
Later in his book, he wrote that his higher education in 1945 would not have been possible had the Scindia family not come forward to support him. He wrote “Jiwajirao Scindia, the Maharaja of Gwalior knew me since my school days. When the question of my higher education was looming large on the family, which was already burdened under the marriage of my two sisters, and limited resources due to retirement of father, the royal family sanctioned me monthly scholarship of Rs 75.”
With this scholarship support, Vajpyaee went to DAV college, Kanpur, for his law education. This turned into a big opportunity for Vajpayee where he came into contact with Arya Samaj and later joined the RSS. Vajpayee’s visit to Kanpur brought him close to several right-wing leaders and he later became editor of Rashtradharm where he worked closely with the BJP (then Jansangh) ideologue Deendayal Upadhyaya. After Rashtradharm he was made editor of Panchajanya—the mouthpiece of RSS. In 1952 when Jansangh was established by Shaymaprasad Mukherji, Vajpayee was affiliated with Deendayal Upadhyaya who was party’s general secretary.
Vajpayee always acknowledged the support of the Scindia family towards his personal life and party. When Rajmata Scindia and her son Madhavrao Scindia were embroiled in an ugly family feud, Vajpayee never meddled. The respect from Scindias to Vajpayee was unequivocal except for the 1984 elections when the two contested Lok Sabha polls against each other.
When Madhavrao Scindia died in a plane crash in September 2001, Vajpayee as prime minister wrote in the condolence book, "Lightning has fallen. Can fate be so cruel. My salute". He not only visited Gwalior for the cremation but deputed his senior most minister Arun Jaitley to accompany dead body of Scindia in an Air Force aircraft. He was given a state funeral.
Why Atal Bihari Vajpayee never spoke against Scindias of Gwalior
RANJAN GOGOI the previous CJI
NOMINATED TO RAJYA SABHA
JAI SHRI RAM
Complete Meltdown of the Opposition on Twitter
NOMINATED TO RAJYA SABHA
JAI SHRI RAM
Complete Meltdown of the Opposition on Twitter
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But he was the one who lead the press conference to malign then CJI!
Unbelievable, ex CJI of India was too dumb and used like a useful idiot by lobby? Or those benefits stopped that you ditched the lobby? They did quite good to bring you in line by fixing a rape case.
Could this be the reason most of the learned ones who were readily doing bidding of usual suspects are now preferring law over friends?
Covid an excuse to push Indian Muslims out of informal sector jobs. Apartheid the next step
What Muslims are effectively facing now is a new form of concerted, deliberate economic marginalisation through blatant lies linking the community to the virus.
By Asim Ali
9 April, 2020 11:37 am IST
People suspected of coronavirus being transported to various hospitals after Tablighi Jamaat in Nizamuddin, Delhi | Photo: Suraj Singh Bisht | ThePrint
Those who know Hilal Ahmad, associate professor at Centre for Study of Developing Societies, know him for his measured style and careful choice of words. But this tweet by him belies his reputation. “If the communal propaganda on corona virus continues like this we might see HINDU WATER and MUSLIM WATER shops at every railway station VERY SOON!” read his tweet.
This might come across as an exaggerated statement, but one also cannot deny that propaganda against Muslims on social media and television has become venomous. The results of these latest doses of prejudice around coronavirus are already showing.
In Haldwani, Muslim fruit sellers, unlike their Hindu counterparts, were forced to shut their shops by a group of people. A social media video appeared to show a Resident Welfare Association agreeing to ban Muslim vendors and workers from their gated society. In a village in Mangalore, posters came up stating that “no Muslim trader is allowed into the village till the coronavirus has completely gone away. Signed: All Hindus, Kolya”. Several Muslim truck drivers were beaten up by a mob in Arunachal Pradesh. Among the many rumours about Muslims floating around, one was not to accept any cash from Muslims.
Chronology of discrimination
These are just some of the cases that have come to light in the past few days. The discrimination faced by the working class Muslims is hardly news, and they have little access to even social media to document them. If you look at ‘chronology’, the coronavirus bias against Muslims, comes after waves of cow vigilantism, CAA-NRC and Delhi riots.
What Muslims are effectively facing now is a new form of concerted, deliberate economic marginalisation. Having been largely shut out of the formal sector, many Muslims depend on the informal sector and self-employment for their livelihood.
In urban areas, the share of Muslims in self-employment is 50 per cent, compared to 33 per cent among Hindus, according to NSSO (2009-10). These are the vendors and workers being barred by gated colonies and truckers and fruit sellers harassed by mobs. Only 27 per cent of Muslims are in salaried/regular wage jobs, as compared to 43 per cent of Hindus and 45 per cent of Christians. Just 30 per cent of Muslim male workers have completed ‘secondary and above’ education in urban areas, compared with 58 per cent for both Christians and Sikhs, and 56 per cent for Hindus.
The gig economy is the last resort for Muslims who have been pushed to the margins owing to a history of systematic discrimination. The share of Muslim IPS officers is 4 per cent, IAS officers is 3 per cent, and IFS officers is less than 2 per cent, according to the Sacchar Committee report which was published in 2006.
The intake of new Muslim officers in the government via the UPSC every year still hovers around 4-5 per cent, much lower than their 14 per cent population share. So these numbers would not have changed significantly more than a decade after the report came out.
Even in other government jobs, Muslims lag far behind. In railways, the largest employer in India, Muslims only make up 4.5 per cent of total employees, of whom 98.7 per cent are positioned at lower levels, according to census 2011. In the top jobs of the corporate sector, Muslims account for only 3 per cent.
Poor social mobility
What’s worse is that Muslims have the worst social mobility among all communities. While the upward mobility of Dalits and Adivasis have improved in recent decades, it has actually dropped for Muslims.
If this discrimination against working class Muslims, who are already suffering from the general depression, takes hold in society and becomes widespread, the consequences would be devastating. Hindus and Muslims often live in segregated clusters in urban areas, but they are intertwined by the web of economic transactions. If that goes away, we are looking at pockets of apartheid in our country.
That might sound alarmist but the psychological worlds of Muslims and Hindus have already become strikingly separate. The thoughts, ideas and feelings of an ordinary Hindu is worlds apart from that of an ordinary Muslim. To think that this psychological distance wouldn’t soon translate into social and economic distance would be naïve. Apartheid was built not so much on physical barriers as on ideology.
Many scholars understood the beliefs undergirding apartheid from the structural theory of racism, which stated that racist prejudice is both a product and cause of racist structures. Prejudice must be constantly produced to uphold and justify the racist structure of dominance.
Political marginalisation
The fairly explicit goal of Hindutva has always been the political marginalisation of Muslims. But many leaders of the Hindu Right have repeatedly emphasised that in other social and economic spheres, they want the betterment of Muslims.
In 2014, Modi admitted to being a Hindu nationalist, didn’t give more than bare tokenistic seats to Muslims, but offered them economic prosperity. Speaking to the Ummat Business conclave, he spoke of how certain small businesses dominated by Muslims have benefited from his rule in Gujarat.
Modi said his vision was security, equity and prosperity for everyone. “With the help of research and ready raw material, kite business in Gujarat has prospered from a turnover of Rs 30-35 crore a decade ago to Rs 700 crore now,” he claimed, adding that it led to the overall prosperity of the Muslim community.
Even in his second term, Modi, probably consciously, started with well-publicised scholarships to Muslim students before embarking on the troika of triple talaq, Kashmir and CAA. The government would also no doubt wash its hands of acts of economic discrimination, like they do with lynchings, even if both are the logical consequences of their politics.
And it underscores the plain reality that you can’t claim to empower Muslims socio-economically while marginalising them politically because the two aspects have always been inseparable. The reason Asauddin Owaisi is appealing to so many educated Muslims is because of his singular emphasis on political power as a necessary tool for socio-economic empowerment.
It is not hard to envision widespread economic discrimination based on prejudice in our country. Afterall, we have had millennia of experience of it in the caste system.
But while the Hindu right is assiduously trying to integrate Dalits into the Hindu society, and with Dalits increasingly reciprocating with their votes, it is Muslims who are now sought to be separated; excised not just from shared nationhood but also from a shared society.
If we reach that place, we would finally have become two separate nations, living among mutual incomprehension and mistrust, and Jinnah would have been validated.
The author is a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, Delhi. Views are personal.
Covid an excuse to push Indian Muslims out of informal sector jobs. Apartheid the next step
What Muslims are effectively facing now is a new form of concerted, deliberate economic marginalisation through blatant lies linking the community to the virus.
By Asim Ali
9 April, 2020 11:37 am IST
People suspected of coronavirus being transported to various hospitals after Tablighi Jamaat in Nizamuddin, Delhi | Photo: Suraj Singh Bisht | ThePrint
Those who know Hilal Ahmad, associate professor at Centre for Study of Developing Societies, know him for his measured style and careful choice of words. But this tweet by him belies his reputation. “If the communal propaganda on corona virus continues like this we might see HINDU WATER and MUSLIM WATER shops at every railway station VERY SOON!” read his tweet.
This might come across as an exaggerated statement, but one also cannot deny that propaganda against Muslims on social media and television has become venomous. The results of these latest doses of prejudice around coronavirus are already showing.
In Haldwani, Muslim fruit sellers, unlike their Hindu counterparts, were forced to shut their shops by a group of people. A social media video appeared to show a Resident Welfare Association agreeing to ban Muslim vendors and workers from their gated society. In a village in Mangalore, posters came up stating that “no Muslim trader is allowed into the village till the coronavirus has completely gone away. Signed: All Hindus, Kolya”. Several Muslim truck drivers were beaten up by a mob in Arunachal Pradesh. Among the many rumours about Muslims floating around, one was not to accept any cash from Muslims.
Chronology of discrimination
These are just some of the cases that have come to light in the past few days. The discrimination faced by the working class Muslims is hardly news, and they have little access to even social media to document them. If you look at ‘chronology’, the coronavirus bias against Muslims, comes after waves of cow vigilantism, CAA-NRC and Delhi riots.
What Muslims are effectively facing now is a new form of concerted, deliberate economic marginalisation. Having been largely shut out of the formal sector, many Muslims depend on the informal sector and self-employment for their livelihood.
In urban areas, the share of Muslims in self-employment is 50 per cent, compared to 33 per cent among Hindus, according to NSSO (2009-10). These are the vendors and workers being barred by gated colonies and truckers and fruit sellers harassed by mobs. Only 27 per cent of Muslims are in salaried/regular wage jobs, as compared to 43 per cent of Hindus and 45 per cent of Christians. Just 30 per cent of Muslim male workers have completed ‘secondary and above’ education in urban areas, compared with 58 per cent for both Christians and Sikhs, and 56 per cent for Hindus.
The gig economy is the last resort for Muslims who have been pushed to the margins owing to a history of systematic discrimination. The share of Muslim IPS officers is 4 per cent, IAS officers is 3 per cent, and IFS officers is less than 2 per cent, according to the Sacchar Committee report which was published in 2006.
The intake of new Muslim officers in the government via the UPSC every year still hovers around 4-5 per cent, much lower than their 14 per cent population share. So these numbers would not have changed significantly more than a decade after the report came out.
Even in other government jobs, Muslims lag far behind. In railways, the largest employer in India, Muslims only make up 4.5 per cent of total employees, of whom 98.7 per cent are positioned at lower levels, according to census 2011. In the top jobs of the corporate sector, Muslims account for only 3 per cent.
Poor social mobility
What’s worse is that Muslims have the worst social mobility among all communities. While the upward mobility of Dalits and Adivasis have improved in recent decades, it has actually dropped for Muslims.
If this discrimination against working class Muslims, who are already suffering from the general depression, takes hold in society and becomes widespread, the consequences would be devastating. Hindus and Muslims often live in segregated clusters in urban areas, but they are intertwined by the web of economic transactions. If that goes away, we are looking at pockets of apartheid in our country.
That might sound alarmist but the psychological worlds of Muslims and Hindus have already become strikingly separate. The thoughts, ideas and feelings of an ordinary Hindu is worlds apart from that of an ordinary Muslim. To think that this psychological distance wouldn’t soon translate into social and economic distance would be naïve. Apartheid was built not so much on physical barriers as on ideology.
Many scholars understood the beliefs undergirding apartheid from the structural theory of racism, which stated that racist prejudice is both a product and cause of racist structures. Prejudice must be constantly produced to uphold and justify the racist structure of dominance.
Political marginalisation
The fairly explicit goal of Hindutva has always been the political marginalisation of Muslims. But many leaders of the Hindu Right have repeatedly emphasised that in other social and economic spheres, they want the betterment of Muslims.
In 2014, Modi admitted to being a Hindu nationalist, didn’t give more than bare tokenistic seats to Muslims, but offered them economic prosperity. Speaking to the Ummat Business conclave, he spoke of how certain small businesses dominated by Muslims have benefited from his rule in Gujarat.
Modi said his vision was security, equity and prosperity for everyone. “With the help of research and ready raw material, kite business in Gujarat has prospered from a turnover of Rs 30-35 crore a decade ago to Rs 700 crore now,” he claimed, adding that it led to the overall prosperity of the Muslim community.
Even in his second term, Modi, probably consciously, started with well-publicised scholarships to Muslim students before embarking on the troika of triple talaq, Kashmir and CAA. The government would also no doubt wash its hands of acts of economic discrimination, like they do with lynchings, even if both are the logical consequences of their politics.
And it underscores the plain reality that you can’t claim to empower Muslims socio-economically while marginalising them politically because the two aspects have always been inseparable. The reason Asauddin Owaisi is appealing to so many educated Muslims is because of his singular emphasis on political power as a necessary tool for socio-economic empowerment.
It is not hard to envision widespread economic discrimination based on prejudice in our country. Afterall, we have had millennia of experience of it in the caste system.
But while the Hindu right is assiduously trying to integrate Dalits into the Hindu society, and with Dalits increasingly reciprocating with their votes, it is Muslims who are now sought to be separated; excised not just from shared nationhood but also from a shared society.
If we reach that place, we would finally have become two separate nations, living among mutual incomprehension and mistrust, and Jinnah would have been validated.
The author is a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, Delhi. Views are personal.
Covid an excuse to push Indian Muslims out of informal sector jobs. Apartheid the next step
For all his pains, he's never once commented on why the Muslims are where they are. If they lag behind in jobs in the pvt sector or the public sector, is it due their own educational backwardness or due any institutionalized discrimination. If it's the latter, he hasn't commented on it & rightfully so.
If the Muslims are being vilified & demonised today, how much of it are due recent incidents like the anti CAA protests , their desperate attempts to blackmail the government & hijack the discourse. Or were the anti CAA protests, the manifestation of deep frustration within the Muslim community at the RJB verdict going against them, the TT bill being passed & to a lesser extent the abrogation of Article 370
Let's take the recent developments over the Chinese virus. Even if we were to apportion blame equally to the Central & State governments apart from the TJ for organizing such a meet in present circumstances, how does one neglect the way these Tablighis have reacted? Their leader is on record stating that no harm would come upon the Tablighis for they are true believers of Islam.All this when some of the most holy sites of Islam have shut down be it in Iraq or Iran or the holiest of holies in Macca and Madina.
He's neither expressed apologies for his statements not has he withdrawn them. Have a look at how have his followers behaved in the aftermath ! Has the author ever taken them to task. No. Neither will he. This is symptomatic of how Muslims as a people behave. The liberals will be silent. The moderates will mount a defence or be apologists & the radicals will do what they've always done. This article is a textbook case of that oft seen syndrome. This reminds me of a cartoon where an ISIS terrorist is holding a knife to a kafir's throat with a caption saying Islam enjoined him to kil all non believers. Besides the ISIS terrorist is a man with liberal muslim written on him with his finger pointing towards the terrorist & a caption above stating he doesn't represent Islam while the terrorist proceeds to slit the victim's throat.
To end, Owaisi's dream is to emulate Jinnah. Towards that end, his stated aim is to be the undeclared amir ul momineen of the Muslims of India. He's trying to achieve this by ensuring he has his party's presence , however nominal , in a municipality , a ZP, the state assembly & finally the Parliament from all across the country. This is a long term project. He's enjoyed mixed success. But if this attempted polarization goes on, he'd see more success. His dilemma is the same that caste based formations like BSP , SP & RJD have faced.
How does one transcend ones appeal to ones own caste to achieve power. For every state in India is too heterogeneous to see one major caste formation prevail .It's always been an agglomeration of caste & religions .Hence , his major disadvantage lies in the fact that the moment non Muslims see the Muslim vote consolidate behind their candidate, counter polarization occurs.
In the interim , I've no doubt that Owaisi would love to have this problem. He'd get a shot at power & the boasting that follows would be enough to galvanize his supporters.However, as certain districts & states cross the 25-30% barrier in terms of Muslim proportion of the population, it'd be a different story.
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Actually, it can lead to another interesting phenomenon. Muslims will quit Islam or drastically distance themselves from identifying as Muslims. If govt can just regulate Masjids, you will have much lesser Islamic problem in India.
No.
The gathering and stupidity (drinking Holy Dettol) like Tablik is done by Christians too, and I can assure you, even Christians won't consider quitting Christianity over such things.
Rather Christians sideline the preachers and say preachers doing stupid thing doesn't mean Bible is wrong, only that some preachers and people are stupid.
They don't ever have this consideration.
And considering that muslims are even more orthodoxial than christians, I can say for sure that is never going to happen.
Don't even bother.
And they are such inbreeded nut cases anyway, who wants them in your community??
I would loath to accept them.
Its hard to be religious with empty stomach. Once that reality hits, Muslim poors will hang their topi and quaran. Wait for an increase in number of buddhists in coming few months.
I can't even begin to tell you, how hopelessly wrong your reading of the situation is.
Well, lets see in few months. I am already getting anecdotes from UP. Shuddhi incidences are on rise.
On the contrary, such things have shown to lead to an increase in extremists and suicide bombers. Look at the background of the suicide bombers and jihadists and it will give you a hint.
Poor and hungry are not same. For Muslim poors, its now becoming Islam or food. Anyways, we will see in coming months.
Only this time any new Jinnah will be dragged into streets with collar in his neck, he won't get another Pakstan but a well deserving death for sedition.