Speaking about the general progressive developments in Southern states visa-viv North Indian states is not patronizing, certainly not insulting. If a German comes to India and starts comparing the development indices between our two countries, should we stonewall ourselves behind the argument that the German dude has come down to patronize us. Southern states, esp Kerala top the Human and social development charts not because of any divine providence. They do so because of carefully chalked development strategies and progressive policies which are vastly divergent from he route taken by the Northern, particularly Hindi speaking states. Such comparisons, if understood in its proper context could actually help these states come out of their poverty and social backwardness. If others mistake it for some kind of perceived slight or find it condescending , then I'm afraid problem is not on our side. While i admit no one should try to hurl parochial insults at one another, i'm afraid some members on the forum, unable to stomach certain facts pertaining to development indices of southern states, make it their personal endevour to make snide remarks about us. Its unfair us to ignore them or take them lying down.
Indian Political Discussion
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Speaking about the general progressive developments in Southern states visa-viv North Indian states is not patronizing, certainly not insulting. If a German comes to India and starts comparing the development indices between our two countries, should we stonewall ourselves behind the argument that the German dude has come down to patronize us. Southern states, esp Kerala top the Human and social development charts not because of any divine providence. They do so because of carefully chalked development strategies and progressive policies which are vastly divergent from he route taken by the Northern, particularly Hindi speaking states. Such comparisons, if understood in its proper context could actually help these states come out of their poverty and social backwardness. If others mistake it for some kind of perceived slight or find it condescending , then I'm afraid problem is not on our side. While i admit no one should try to hurl parochial insults at one another, i'm afraid some members on the forum, unable to stomach certain facts pertaining to development indices of southern states, make it their personal endevour to make snide remarks about us. Its unfair us to ignore them or take them lying down.
The constitution which u always cite and lecture others about its provision has a special article that says promotion of Hindi.My Friend you are free abandon your mother tongue and culture and adopt a alien culture and language. That is your individual choice. You seem clueless about the striking difference personal choice to learn Hindi versus a govt using national fund to promote a particular language to the detriment of the other.
Please read the report below. In 2016-2017 Kerala's allocation for central sponsored schemes has been an abysmal Rs 70 crores, which incidentally is the lowest in a long time. Under the blue revolution projects launched in 2016 for ensuring integrated development of the fisheries sector, Kerala, a state with a 560-km coastal line received just Rs 11.5 crore in 2017-18, whereas Uttarakhand, with no coast, got Rs 10 crore. Kerala's spectacular ranking in the Human development index and its sterling social development performance have been achieved under conditions where it has received little no central govt. Meanwhile North Indian states like Bihar and UP have received disproportionate amount of central govt funds languish at the bottom of the Human development index. I can understand and do empathize that Backward societies like UP and Bihar need much more hand holding than more developed societies like Kerala, but this overt step motherly treatment of Kerala must be stopped.
Why Kerala gets a raw deal from the Centre | India Today Insight
Political discrimination, small state handicaps or systemic failure, whatever the cause data shows that Central allocation and budgetary provisions for Kerala have been going down over the years
The land of spices and protests is gearing up for another lengthy agitation. And this time because the state feels Delhi is not giving it its due. The CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) government in Kerala feels a vindictive Narendra Modi government is withholding funds and "throttling" the development of the state.
The LDF is organising a state-level protest on August 6, but the truth is Union governments in the past too have been fickle overlords. Even when the Congress-led United Democratic Front was ruling the state during the days of UPA-2, Kerala still never got its due. Congress chief minister Oommen Chandy could not protest openly, but there were enough grumbling noises and protest memos.
Now new data from the Comptroller and Auditor General's office shows that grants for Central plan schemes to the state went down to a low of Rs 71 crore in 2016-17. The years 2014-15 and 2015-16 were slightly better, with Rs 158 cr and Rs 170 crore respectively. That said, non-plan grants used to compensate earlier. From 2011 to 2014, Kerala received grants of over Rs 1,000 crore under centrally sponsored schemes. Since the NDA government took over, even these grants have come down by 35 per cent.
Divya S. Iyer, director at the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MNREGA) in the state, attributes the low funding listed in the CAG report to the direct benefit transfer (DBT) scheme where money goes to programme beneficiaries directly. "Earlier, only a limited few with job cards received wages through electronic transfers to their accounts. Since 2018, almost all wages are credited to their accounts," Divya explained. In fact, MNREGA saved Kerala after the floods as the state effectively used it to get grants (Kerala and Tamil Nadu have the maximum utilisation; women's participation is above 90 per cent in the state).
According to S.M Vijayanand , former chief secretary and an expert on rural development, the state gets a better deal from central governments in social sectors - ICDS projects, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, National Rural Health Mission and MNREGA. "Where we are being sidelined is infrastructure development. When it comes to development of railways, national highways, inland waterways, Central PSUs and research organisations, Kerala's demands/ requirements are often ignored," explains Vijayanand.
He says Kerala has failed to design a follow-up mechanism in getting plan and non-plan funds or submitting novel projects in priority areas where mega funding or grants are allocated by the Union government.
Dr K.M. Abraham, CEO of the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB) and former chief secretary, puts it all down to politics. "Kerala is politically and economically weak. We have only 20 MPs and economically we are no power house. Our neighbours like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka are economically strong and can collectively bargain for the development of the state. They also have a strong industrial lobby which can put pressure on the Union Government and demand a higher share," he says.
Abraham has managed the state's finance during both UDF and LDF stints and feels that the Centre's scrapping of the Planning Commission has made Kerala's position even more disadvantageous. "Central plan assistance is at a minimum now and grants for central schemes have also been cut down. Now the Centre allocates funds on priority schemes, which is less relevant to a state like Kerala. So the cut in Kerala's central budgetary allocation may continue forever. The state will have to develop alternative financial resources to fund its development projects," says Abraham.
It's also not easy for Kerala to raise its own resources without the Centre's support. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan knows that he has limited options and has tried to smooth things over with the Modi government. He's been careful not to speak against the prime minister nor vent his animosity for the BJP. Even then, the Centre has put up hurdles, a case in point being obstructing the UAE aid for the state after the deluge in August 2018 and sabotaging the state cabinet's travel plans to meet the global Malayali diaspora in 11 nations.
Vijayan too contributed to the situation after the floods. He made a blunder by announcing UAE aid for the state based on information given to him by the powerful NRI billionaire, M.A. Yusuf Ali. "The CM didn't take into account the political undertones while making the announcement. After the prime minister had visited the flood-affected areas accompanied by Vijayan, the Centre had announced Rs 500 crore as a first instalment for relief and rehabilitation works. The next day, the chief minister announced the UAE aid of Rs 700 crore. The PMO probably felt slighted--they intervened in the matter and invoked existing policy guidelines against states approaching foreign governments for relief. Vijayan should have consulted the Centre before making the foreign aid announcement. The 'diplomatic error' denied Kerala an opportunity to get aid from the UAE," says a senior civil servant.
The chief minister has been pushing pending the infrastructure projects in the state since he took over. The GAIL pipeline project, delayed by more than 10 years, is now complete. Over 99 per cent of the work on the Koodankulam power transmission line is also over. Kochi Metro too met with minimum delays.
What has not made much headway is the Smart City projects in Kochi and Thiruvananthapuram. Even after four years, the Kochi smart city project remains in limbo. So too the case of doubling of railway tracks in the state. Work on the Shoranur-Thiruvananthapuram stretch started 25 years ago and is still not complete. Lack of funds and delay in land acquisitions have delayed the projects.
The situation is compounded by the Left's dwindled numbers in the Lok Sabha. It has only one CPI(M) MP from the state in the lower house.
If the situation continues as it is, Kerala will be in a financial crisis soon. It also needs big money to tide over the fallout of the deluge that destroyed the state in August 2018.
Some of its grievances are genuine too. The national highway widening is a major area where the state got a raw deal despite the sympathetic attitude of Union minister Nitin Gadkari. Even after handing over 992 hectares of land for widening of 1781.5 km of NHs in the state, NHAI delayed tender proceedings. In the past 14 years, NHAI has constructed just 256 km roads in Kerala.
Fisheries is another area where the state can't catch a break. Under the blue revolution projects launched in 2016 for ensuring integrated development of the fisheries sector, Kerala, a state with a 560-km coastal line received just Rs 11.5 crore in 2017-18 when neighbouring Tamil Nadu was allocated Rs 110 crore. Uttarakhand, with no coast, got Rs 10 crore. Is it any wonder that God's own country is fuming?
Read about article 351
Directive for development of the Hindi language It shall be the duty of the Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language, to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India.
And regarding flood money , LDF government was boasting of having received 700 crores in relief from UAE so u guys didn't need centres help anyways
Promotion is not the same as adoption. Central govt is free to promote Hindi as long as it does not come at the expense of leaning regional languages and does not pass any law that makes ' ADOPTING' Hindi as mandatory. The language used in the draft of the new education policy talked about making Hindi as compulsory. There is no provision in the constitution to make Hindi adoption mandatory and compulsory. I hope i have dispelled your misgiving.
P:S - It should come as shame for the center that while UAE govt offered 700 crore in relief fund for the Kerala floods, the center sent us a bill for Rs 223 crore for the food grain sent to the state as relief material. may be someone should explain why center values malayalee lives less than UAE.
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So that means constitution gives powers to the centre to promote Hindi as pan india language using tax payers money.
And education policy had 3 language formula , so Hindi was not being forced at expense of regional language.
Anyways government has revised that draft after the so called protests.
Lol that UAE offer was fake. It was LDF government boasting about it just to oppose Centre. Where is that 700 cr btw did u get it????
Or were that 700 cr siphoned off as usual.
At the end it was NaMo government that helped Kerala and not Sheikhs of UAE that LDF was boasting about.
LDF should be ashamed that it asked foreign countries for help just cz it has gruge against the centre.
Anyways where is that 700 cr?
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The draft was revised because we protested and we will continue to protest. You are a Marathi, perhaps you like Maharashtrians to learn Hindi compulsorily. But we dont....Central funds, even in the form of relief support are not central govt largess. They are the rights of the states, esp states in south India who according to the 14th Finance commission only receive Rs 30 as tax revenue for every Rs 100 that these states pay to the central govt as tax.
For rich South India, the rest of the country is a tax burden
Mihir Sharma 24 April, 2018
India’s two halves have strongly disparate interests, demands and expectations. Healing those growing divisions will be the constant task of future leaders.
When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the southern city of Chennai recently, he must’ve been startled by the welcome he received. Half the city, it seemed, had turned out to wave black flags at his motorcade, as well as banners that read “Go Back, Modi.” When the prime minister hopped into a helicopter, the crowds cleverly sent up black balloons in its wake.
The vitriol wasn’t entirely personal. Protesters in Chennai — capital of the prosperous state of Tamil Nadu — had singled out Modi as the most high-profile representative of a New Delhi establishment that many Tamils have begun to see as biased against them.
Marchers were angry about a very local issue — the federal government’s reluctance to implement a recent Supreme Court order dealing with water-sharing between Tamil Nadu and the neighboring state of Karnataka. But disenchantment in India’s south isn’t limited to a single issue or, indeed, a single state. The BJP is on the defensive in Karnataka as well, where the incumbent chief minister has sought to turn coming elections into a referendum on sub-national pride.
India — more diverse than Europe, more populous than Africa — has never been an entirely cohesive country. A rupee note has to find space for 17 languages; India’s Constitution specifically mentions 22 official languages and is written in a twenty-third, English. Originally, it was hoped that Hindi, the language of India’s northern hinterland, would replace English as the language linking India’s states. But, 50 years ago, that assumption led to riots and even secessionist movements in the south, particularly in Tamil Nadu, and so English has been kept on permanently. For years, the compromise seemed to hold; the Hindi-speaking hinterland and the non-Hindi coastal states muddled along together.
Recently, however, that uneasy, decades-old accord has broken down. Formerly, the long-ruling Congress party linked the two regions together by drawing voters from both. Modi’s BJP has since replaced the Congress as the dominant force in Indian politics, but very much remains much a party of the north and the west, with little or no presence in states like Tamil Nadu.
Even more disruptive is the fact that north and south have diverged economically and demographically. The richer south resents having to subsidize the rest of the country. Tamil Nadu gets back 30 rupees for every 100 it sends to New Delhi; the northern state of Bihar, by contrast, receives 219. The chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, who recently ended his alliance with Modi’s party, has accused the federal government of “diverting” the south’s money to the north.
Meanwhile, India’s interior has human development indicators equivalent to sub-Saharan Africa, while the southern states’ human development indices resemble those of upper-middle-income countries. In particular, women are more empowered in many coastal states. Consequently, they have fewer children. Female fertility in many southern states is below the replacement rate; up north, women might have three or four children on average.
Southerners have put these facts together and come to the uncomfortable conclusion that they could wind up becoming a permanent minority politically. Populations in areas that support the BJP will continue to grow in size, while those where the party has no followers are shrinking.
Part of the decades-old compact between south and north was the tacit agreement to ignore demographic changes. India takes a census every 10 years, but for all major distributional issues, including the division of taxes between federal and state governments, it was the population shares of the 1971 census that mattered.
Now the federal government has decided to abandon that decades-old compromise when it comes to tax-sharing. A non-partisan finance commission, appointed every five years, calculates the formula that decides which state gets how much money in India. While the commission itself isn’t directly answerable to the federal government, the latter does have the right to set the guidelines the commission must follow — terms of reference, they’re called. This year, the government told the commission to use the 2011 census instead of the 1971 one. Southern states worry that that will significantly reduce the share of revenue received by the very states that have worked hardest to empower women and control their populations and which are, not coincidentally, considerably richer.
In previous decades, this would have been quietly sorted out within the political establishment. But, today, neither the BJP — representing the hinterland — nor the regional parties that dominate the coasts have any interest in seeking a compromise. India’s two halves have strongly disparate interests, demands and expectations. Healing those growing divisions will be the constant task of future leaders.
Mihir Sharma 24 April, 2018
India’s two halves have strongly disparate interests, demands and expectations. Healing those growing divisions will be the constant task of future leaders.
When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the southern city of Chennai recently, he must’ve been startled by the welcome he received. Half the city, it seemed, had turned out to wave black flags at his motorcade, as well as banners that read “Go Back, Modi.” When the prime minister hopped into a helicopter, the crowds cleverly sent up black balloons in its wake.
The vitriol wasn’t entirely personal. Protesters in Chennai — capital of the prosperous state of Tamil Nadu — had singled out Modi as the most high-profile representative of a New Delhi establishment that many Tamils have begun to see as biased against them.
Marchers were angry about a very local issue — the federal government’s reluctance to implement a recent Supreme Court order dealing with water-sharing between Tamil Nadu and the neighboring state of Karnataka. But disenchantment in India’s south isn’t limited to a single issue or, indeed, a single state. The BJP is on the defensive in Karnataka as well, where the incumbent chief minister has sought to turn coming elections into a referendum on sub-national pride.
India — more diverse than Europe, more populous than Africa — has never been an entirely cohesive country. A rupee note has to find space for 17 languages; India’s Constitution specifically mentions 22 official languages and is written in a twenty-third, English. Originally, it was hoped that Hindi, the language of India’s northern hinterland, would replace English as the language linking India’s states. But, 50 years ago, that assumption led to riots and even secessionist movements in the south, particularly in Tamil Nadu, and so English has been kept on permanently. For years, the compromise seemed to hold; the Hindi-speaking hinterland and the non-Hindi coastal states muddled along together.
Recently, however, that uneasy, decades-old accord has broken down. Formerly, the long-ruling Congress party linked the two regions together by drawing voters from both. Modi’s BJP has since replaced the Congress as the dominant force in Indian politics, but very much remains much a party of the north and the west, with little or no presence in states like Tamil Nadu.
Even more disruptive is the fact that north and south have diverged economically and demographically. The richer south resents having to subsidize the rest of the country. Tamil Nadu gets back 30 rupees for every 100 it sends to New Delhi; the northern state of Bihar, by contrast, receives 219. The chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, who recently ended his alliance with Modi’s party, has accused the federal government of “diverting” the south’s money to the north.
Meanwhile, India’s interior has human development indicators equivalent to sub-Saharan Africa, while the southern states’ human development indices resemble those of upper-middle-income countries. In particular, women are more empowered in many coastal states. Consequently, they have fewer children. Female fertility in many southern states is below the replacement rate; up north, women might have three or four children on average.
Southerners have put these facts together and come to the uncomfortable conclusion that they could wind up becoming a permanent minority politically. Populations in areas that support the BJP will continue to grow in size, while those where the party has no followers are shrinking.
Part of the decades-old compact between south and north was the tacit agreement to ignore demographic changes. India takes a census every 10 years, but for all major distributional issues, including the division of taxes between federal and state governments, it was the population shares of the 1971 census that mattered.
Now the federal government has decided to abandon that decades-old compromise when it comes to tax-sharing. A non-partisan finance commission, appointed every five years, calculates the formula that decides which state gets how much money in India. While the commission itself isn’t directly answerable to the federal government, the latter does have the right to set the guidelines the commission must follow — terms of reference, they’re called. This year, the government told the commission to use the 2011 census instead of the 1971 one. Southern states worry that that will significantly reduce the share of revenue received by the very states that have worked hardest to empower women and control their populations and which are, not coincidentally, considerably richer.
In previous decades, this would have been quietly sorted out within the political establishment. But, today, neither the BJP — representing the hinterland — nor the regional parties that dominate the coasts have any interest in seeking a compromise. India’s two halves have strongly disparate interests, demands and expectations. Healing those growing divisions will be the constant task of future leaders.
Where is rs 700 cr UAE were supposed to give u??? Siphoned off ? Or was it a jumla??
So according to u which language should be pan India???? Dravidian? ENGLISH???
Maharashtra pays way more than any southern state. Did u see us whining?
Grievances are true about fiscal distribution.
But as u said in one of your about how Kerala is providing free Internet for poor using tax payer money.
Similarly Keralas money is being used to support poor states like Bihar. Why whine then???dont u support commie concept of socialis
We are not whining and certainly wish well for the backward states, just reminding them not be ungrateful. As far as Maharashtra and not whining, your entire state politics revolves around kicking out non marathis from the state for eating up Maharashtra's resources. So you should stop giving lectures on such things. India has never required a pan Indian language to keep it together and we certainly don't need a indo-sarcenic hybrid as our pan Indian language. If India really requires a pan Indian lingua franca, then 6 languages officially recognized as classical Indian languages, so we have a good pool to select from.
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So why only classical languages? Sanskrit , Odia and 4 Dravidian languages. Hindi ,marathi is as Indian as Tamil , Telugu or any classical language.
Hindi as lingua franca is better just cz majority of population can understand it.
And no one says that abandon your regional language and adopt Hindi but know a few words so that u can communicate easily.
Largest spoken language in India is Hindi and with secondary language excpt southern and some NE states , all states cna least understand Hindi.
I am well versed in Marathi and understand fair amount of Hindi so i can easily communicate with entire northern , western , central , eastern India.
Learning few words doesn't mean its an attack on your mother tongue. Same people prefer learning English isnt it?
Lol
I am ashamed of my self to be called as Indian if Indians are like these what I am seeing on this page.
You guys should focus on real issues not superficial issues. Politicians are making mockery out of you people to divert the attention to north south hindi tamil because no one questions them about how much money they have spent on water harvesting, soil irrigation, afforestation and what's their plan to cut pollution and population.
My god, man you guys are the worst example of ignorance
There are resources which politicians do not manage and then go to court to start a blame game. You guys do not understand this game plan. All the parties talk to eachtother what issues to raise and what not.
Ask your leaders in south and we will ask our leaders in north questions and suddenly you will see some riot going up some another narebazi.
I am ashamed of my self to be called as Indian if Indians are like these what I am seeing on this page.
You guys should focus on real issues not superficial issues. Politicians are making mockery out of you people to divert the attention to north south hindi tamil because no one questions them about how much money they have spent on water harvesting, soil irrigation, afforestation and what's their plan to cut pollution and population.
My god, man you guys are the worst example of ignorance
There are resources which politicians do not manage and then go to court to start a blame game. You guys do not understand this game plan. All the parties talk to eachtother what issues to raise and what not.
Ask your leaders in south and we will ask our leaders in north questions and suddenly you will see some riot going up some another narebazi.
Well I'm not advocating any language to be adopted as an official lingua franca, but merely suggesting that we had classical languages which are eminently qualified for the same. The only criteria that goes in favor of Hindi is its large population. However this not due to an overarching literary achievement of Hindi as a language, but a terrible indictment of the failed family planning programmes in the Hindi speaking states, which is a bane of much of their social backwardness. We prefer English because that is the language which moves the world commerce and offers us the best chance to move up in life. In 2018 there were reports that in UP there 93,000 applicants , including 3700 PHD holders, for 62 peon level posts in UP govt. You can perhaps understand why we non Hindi people do not have such enthusiasm for seeking employment and economic opportunity in Hindi speaking states....
P:S - I don't wish to continue this debate and further aggravate matters and vitiate the atmosphere here. But nevertheless prgress made by south Indian states are worthy of praise and emulation by other Indian states and ignoring or belittling it or pretending that data is false will not help overcome the challenges that certian northern states face. Infact this propaganda against progressive south indian development model, as some kind of socialist utopianism or as a by product of Dravidian chauvinism, prevents various states genuinely studying and adopting these development models to their local development dynamics. This would be greatest tragedy for the cause of Indian economic and social development.
Every state can learn something from another. Eg Kanyashree program of WB government is very good. Maharashtras Jal Shivar yukt program was highly appreciated.
Just like North Indian states face problems , similarly even Southern states have their own problems.
U cannot call it a failed family planning as that region has always been heavily populated since 1000s of years.
You prefer English right so the 3 language formula had English one of them yet there were protests.
So were protests only for sake of it and not genuine? Your demand of English was met anyways. Isnt it?
Just cz it was Hindi and u hate that language for reasons unknown , probably u think its inferior compared to Tamil/Malayalam. , U had to protests.
A south Indian living in Delhi has learn to learn Hindi and vice versa.
So if 3 language formula is implemented it will solve this communication barrier as a south indian will be able to use English for communication.
A Hindi speaking guy has an option to select nay regional language , so if he selects for eg Tamil , it will help Tamil language as well which is currently limited to TN. It benefits both.
Just read your last couple of lines and that will help you understand why your commentary on northern state doesn't sound as constructive criticism but more of rubbing in a wrong way no matter how much you try to subtle the mockery, in response to "snide" remarks. Lets not try passing this "better than thou" arguments as some genuine discussion to come up with solutions for some lagging states. Moreover South is not German for North, may be a notch or two higher but infested with similar societal bane.
I am only asking to be humble in your success and be a participant in others success.
English is better because thr rest of the world understands it and it's India's national language too.
@S. A. T. A @Deathstar
This whole debate on whether Hindi should be an official national language need to be broken in two steps and in below sequence -
1. Does having a common lingua franca help in nation building? Is it advantageous in a way that it creates homogeneity and bind masses to a common goal or it doesn't make any difference? What examples we have to support or discard this notion?
2. Only if the answer to point #1 is "Yes, common language will help" comes the question of selecting language to be national one. In that case, the natural inclination will be toward a language spoken and understood by majority and thus reducing time and effort in promoting the common language. What else could be an answer in a democracy?
So Gents, what's your take on #1?
This whole debate on whether Hindi should be an official national language need to be broken in two steps and in below sequence -
1. Does having a common lingua franca help in nation building? Is it advantageous in a way that it creates homogeneity and bind masses to a common goal or it doesn't make any difference? What examples we have to support or discard this notion?
2. Only if the answer to point #1 is "Yes, common language will help" comes the question of selecting language to be national one. In that case, the natural inclination will be toward a language spoken and understood by majority and thus reducing time and effort in promoting the common language. What else could be an answer in a democracy?
So Gents, what's your take on #1?
India has no national language but 22 languages have official status as per the constitution
No u cant as its not allowed as per the consititution. No language is superior or inferior , all hvae same status